Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 2

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. The second part of the letter describes the fates of Kings Teimuraz of Kakheti and Luarsab of Kartli as well as the devastating Persian invasion, led by Shah Abbas I, of Kakheti in 1614-1616 that resulted in more than one hundred thousand Georgians being deported to the Safavid realm. 

For this translation, I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

In the present age, either as a punishment for their sins, or otherwise by permission of the Most High, the Georgians have been sorely oppressed; and that, more than to any other cause, owing to their disorganization and feuds: hence, notwithstanding they yet have considerable power, they have lost a great part of that they formerly possessed. For, of the six Princes which I have described, one descended from their ancient [Shah]s, whose dominions bordered on Armenia and Cappadocia in the neighborhood of Tabril and the confines of Media, and who served against his will, at one time in the armies of the Turks, at another in those of Persia, in their continual wars, had his territories by degrees incorporated with those of the Turks, who finally seized upon the whole of them, under the vain pretext of his being the fomenter of these troubles. I am told that there yet exists a young Prince of his family who lives at the court of the Grand Seignior [Ottoman sultan], soliciting there in vain, as an indemnification for the dominions ravished from him, the government of some province.

Shah Abbas of Persia

Of late years, upon a fresh war breaking out between the Persians and Turks, shortly before my travelling into Persia, two other Georgian Princes of the ancient royal house were spoiled of their principalities; and, although not utterly ruined, were reduced to a wretched condition. Possibly, however, some new revolution, which is not unlikely to happen, may reinstate them. These two Sovereigns are the Princes Teimuraz and Luarsab, both whom, their territories lying on the frontiers of Persia, were in measure dependent on that empire. The greater part of the Princes of Georgia even were accustomed to receive their education at the court of that power, and these two latter passed several years of their infancy there. In the war of which I speak, while peace was negotiating between the Persians and Turks whilst yet the armies of either power were in presence of each other, and while, whom these Princes depended on was yet under discussion, each claiming them as his vassals, the [Shah Abbas I] of Persia affirmed to the Turkish ambassador that they constantly owned allegiance to him, and that as a proof they waited on him in his camp as often as required. The ambassador, who would not allow his claim, answered, that if they were thus submissive, it might be proved by his summoning them at the instant.

Upon this the [Shah] summoned them, but these Princes, seeing the Turkish army so close upon them, were fearful of declaring themselves, and prevaricated first with one then with the other, excusing themselves handsomely towards the Persians, but refusing to enter their camp. This piqued the Persian exceedingly, and brought him into a degree of disrepute among the Turks; he, however, dissembled his resentment at the instant, as he could do no other; but after the Peace was concluded and the Ottoman army withdrawn, he, by his usual intrigues, managed to effect a disunion between Luarsab and Teimuraz, such even as almost to engage them to resort to arms, notwithstanding their affinity, for Teimuraz had espoused as a second wife the sister of Luarsab; extremities, however, were prevented, while their two armies were on foot, by the interposition of certain noblemen, their vassals, who represented to and satisfied them of the division being fomented by the [Shah] of Persia, for the purpose of ruining both. Upon looking into the intrigue, they discovered that this [Shah] had secretly conveyed a letter or order to either, couched in the selfsame terms, exhorting each to attack, make away with the other, and seize upon his dominions, in which attempt he pledged to succor him, and maintain him in possession of the territories he should conquer: professing to each he addressed the strongest friendship and the greatest aversion to his adversary, on many accounts which he suggested. Notwithstanding this elucidation, so easy of deception is this nation, it failed to put them on their guard, or teach them wisdom.

In addition to this, the [Shah] fomented discord between Teimuraz and his mother, or at least excited mistrust. This princess, called Ketevan Dedopali, or Queen Ketevan, possessed great abilities, was of exemplary conduct, related to Luarsab, and being a widow, had governed the state for years during the minority of Teimuraz, and had valiantly defended it against her cousin Constantine Mensa, a Mahometan  [Muslim] Prince, who, upon the death of her husband, Daud, the brother of Constantine, had mercilessly and cruelly massacred her old father Alexander [King of Kakhetia in 1605 at Dzegami]. After him another brother attempted an invasion of the state, and would have succeeded but for her giving him battle, defeating him, and putting him to death, together with a number of persons who supported him. Upon these several accounts she was exceedingly esteemed and loved by the people. The [Shah] of Persia, to excite mistrust in the mind of Teimuraz, insinuated that his mother intended to marry a certain officer, whom, for his valour and prudence, she had employed in different departments of the government; and that in such case, she would contrive the ruin of Teimuraz for the purpose of securing the principality to the children she might have by her second husband.

Teimuraz nourishing this idea, and ignorant of the snare laid for him, put this officer, the best stay of his country, to death, and withdrew all authority from his mother; afterwards this young man, unexperienced and not beloved by his nobility, found himself encircled with trouble. For the [Shah] of Persia excited fresh discontent in the state, and rendered him contemptible in the eyes of the nobles on account of his being a child, treating them on their visits to Persia with the greatest distinction and familiarity, making them considerable presents, and in everything which regarded their religion, admitting perfect toleration; so that by degrees they became attached to this monarch, weaned of their affection for their natural sovereign, and esteemed as the height of felicity their having him for lord.

Teimuraz I and his wife Khoreshan.
A sketch from the album
of Roman Catholic missionary
Cristoforo Castelli

After employing such artifices for some time, the [Shah] of Persia, in 1613, fell all at once upon Georgia with a large army, under pretense of Teimuraz having married the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan], sister of Luarsab [King of Kartli], who had previously been promised to him. Wherefore, on his arrival upon the frontiers of the dominions of Luarsab and Teimuraz, he ordered these two Princes to come to his camp, to render account of this and bring him the bride, stating his firm resolution of possessing her, and insisting on the dissolution of her marriage with Teimuraz, which already had been consummated; as if such a practice were allowable with the Christians as with the Mahometans [Muslims].

The Georgian Princes were astonished at this unexpected summons, and what augmented their confusion was the treachery of a number of noblemen, who afforded a free passage to the troops of Persia, and introduced them into the heart of the country; into which, without this perfidy, from the natural fortifications which surround it, and its difficult passes, it would have been impossible for him to have penetrated. These Princes, exceedingly perplexed, knew not what measures to adopt, and Luarsab, resolving on obedience, surrendered himself, and was sent by the Persian [shah] into the province of Astarabad [Gorgan], on the Caspian Sea, a considerable distance from Georgia, where he was placed under the care of the khan of that province, and treated rather as a guest than a prisoner, being allowed to go wherever he chose. The [Shah] of Persia did not cause any devastation upon entering the territories of Luarsab, but established there as a governor a certain Riarei, or Bagrat Mirza [son of King David XI], either an uncle or cousin of Luarsab, who had some years before turned Muslim in Persia. He had a son [Simon II/Semayun Khan] who was a Muslem as well as his father, but born in this religion, who governed in that country when I was there, not indeed as a sovereign prince, but as a khan and vassal of the [Shah] of Persia, the better part of whose forces were commanded by officers of the Christian faith, which likewise was the religion of the chief part of his subjects.

After Luarsab had resided in this manner for some years in Astarabad, that he might be more secure of his person, the [Shah] of Persia caused him to be removed to Farsistan, or Persia Proper, one of the provinces the most distant from Georgia, where he was closely confined for some time in a fortress, at a short distance from the capital, called Shiraz. At last in 1621, or about that time, when his subjects had the greatest hopes of his liberation, and the [Shah] appeared most anxious to see and be favourable to him, exactly the reverse occurred. For this sovereign [Shah Abbas] all at once was disgusted with the Prince, in consequence of the revengeful insinuations of one Maura [Mouravi Giorgi Sakadze], a man of highest consideration among the Georgians, and very powerful, whose sister Luarsab had either promised to marry, or after marrying had repudiated, who persuaded the [Shah], with whom he was high in savour, that he never could maintain a secure and peaceable possession of the dominions of Luarsab as long as he lived; for being so well beloved by his people, they would constantly nourish hopes of seeing him again their sovereign, as long as he existed, their hearts and good-will being wholly his. Instigated by this motive, or else from the discovery of a conspiracy about this time among the Georgians to destroy him, [Shah Abbas] resolved on quashing their hopes, which, in case of any insurrection, might cause these people to appear in array against him, and caused Luarsab to be strangled in prison with the bow-string.

Teimuraz was more caudous, never trusting himself to the custody of the [Shah] of Persia, declaring when called upon, that he was apprehensive of his anger, as he was  offended; that it was impossible for him to part with his wife, as neither the Christian religion nor his own honour allowed him to give her up to another; but in order to satisfy [the shah] of his submission, he sent to him his own mother with his two unmarried sisters, and two young children, his offspring by the lady contested. This measure was adopted by Teimuraz under expectation that Princess [Queen] Ketevan, his mother, a woman of consummate ability, and who had several times before negotiated different affairs in Persia with the [Shah], with whose manner and disposition she was perfectly acquainted, would be able to appease that Monarch, and procure him peace. The measure, however, was fruitless, the [Shah] being inexorable, and appearing to be passionately attached to the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan] and well knowing that Teimuraz neither could nor would listen to the insolent proposal made to him of giving her up, he insisted on Teimuraz appearing before him. But as the Prince refused obedience, the [Shah] retained [Queen] Ketevan, and sent her, together with her children and grandchildren, to the city of Shiraz, where, when I was there, she was maintained with the respect due to her rank. After this the [Shah] of Persia entered Georgia with his army, that is to say the province of Kakheti, the realm of Teimuraz, which was made accessible by the treason of several nobles who sided with [the shah] in hopes of great rewards and opened to him the most difficult passages through the mountains.

Teimuraz perceiving his enemies all at once in the midst of his country, without any army on foot to oppose them, or time to raise one, was fearful of trusting himself to subjects whose fidelity he had full reason to suspect, and having no other resource, he, with his wife and a number of Georgians, who faithfully adhered to him, betook themselves to flight; first taking refuge in the more interior and strongest part of the country of Imereti, where this Prince first reigned, and afterwards flying to Odisci [Mingrelia], that is [the realm of the] Dadian.

Many noblemen under false hopes voluntarily submitted to the [Shah] of Persia, and apostatizing enrolled themselves under his banners. Others of more generous disposition, but who had no time to flee, were overcome by force. Thus the whole people, in immense numbers, became the prey of the the conqueror. The [Shah], upon his entrance into Georgia, after observing the natural strength of its fortifications, and reflecting on the injury to which he would be exposed from the inhabitants provided they should become united and under a good government, was not only undesirous of retaining the country, but conceived it best to withdraw thence the whole of his army as soon as possible. He was, however, unwilling to miss the advantage he obtained by the subjugation of such a numerous people, of infinitely greater value than the country itself; and duly weighing the desolation which would follow the entire depopulation of a whole province, he caused all the inhabitants, males as well as females, to leave their houses, noblemen as well as commoners [roturiers], young and old of all descriptions, causing them to take with them their most valuable effects, as many as they could, and placing them in front of his army, he marched them rapidly into his own dominions, afterwards distributing them among those provinces that farthest from Georgia and less populated. Hence the provinces of Kerman or Caramania, Mazanderan, on the Caspian Sea, and several others of that empire, are now principally inhabited by Georgians and Circassians, for a number of Circassians but a short time before, from a dearth of provisions in their own country, passed into that of Teimuraz, and became the vassals of this Prince in common with the Georgians, living and intermarrying with them. These, therefore, were treated in the same manner as the Georgians, and, alike dispersed over the different provinces of Persia, enjoy equal liberty with the other subjects of the crown. Although they are found in many other provinces, in Farsistan and Mazanderan, they are in such numbers that throughout whole cities and districts there are no other inhabitants. For their subsistence the [Shah] grants them lands, for which they pay, in common with the Mahometan [Muslim] subjects, an inconsiderable tax [tribut]. These people, who form the chief of the inhabitants of these provinces, preserve their religion, which, however, is rather unrefined [fort grossier] Christianity, owing to their having no priests or ministers to instruct them, or at least so small a number as to be insufficient for the tuition of such a multitude of people variously dispersed; and even such as these [priests] are so ignorant themselves, as to be of little utility. Many noblemen, however, impatient of hardships, and most of the soldiers, with several among the people, moved by ambition and avarice, in order to participate the bounty of the [Shah] largely dealt out to those who change their religion, and some induced by necessity, have turned Mahometans, and still continue to do so. By means of these the army of Abbas has been frequently augmented; he employing these slaves [esclaves], as they are called, as a counterpoise against and to restrain the insolence of the Qizilbash. The number of these [Georgian] renegades in his service, exclusive of Armenians and Circassians, reaches 30,000. Some of them hold commands in the army, have governing positions, and have risen to various dignities, even to those of sultans and khans.

Distinct from these Georgians, who are free in Persia, there is moreover an infinite number not only of the common people, but of the nobility who in the disorder consequent on the invasion of the Persians into their country, were made slaves by the Persians. So many are there of this description, that there is not a house of any consequence in Persia that is not full of men and women of this country. Not a satrap but has his wives entirely of the Georgian nation, the women of that country being famous for beauty, and even the [Shah] has scarcely any other for his attendants, his palaces swarming with them, as well females as men. All of these nearly have abjured their religion, either in fact or in semblance, under the impression common among them that God knowing the secrets of the heart, it is enough they should remain faithful internally to their religion, and that it matters not what profession they outwardly make.

This unfortunate measure of transporting the inhabitants of Georgia was attended by the most dreadful disorders and excesses. Murders, people dying of starvation, robberies, rapes, children stifled in despair by their own parents, or thrown by them into rivers, Others massacred by the Persians for want of good complexions, others again torn from their mothers' breasts, and thrown into the streets and highways, to become the prey of wild beasts, or be trodden to death by the horses and camels belonging to the army, which for a whole day together trampled upon carcasses: such is the picture of this shocking expedient; and afterwards, how agonizing the separation of parents from their children, husbands from their wives, brothers from their sisters, divided from each other, and forwarded to different provinces! So numerous were these wretched ruined people on this occasion that they were publicly sold at a cheaper rate even than cattle [bêtes]. But let us draw a veil over this frightful scene, and proceed to speak of Teimuraz….

Emin Joseph Emin, Life and Adventures of Emin Joseph Emin (1792)

Joseph Emin (1726 - 1809) was an Armenian merchant and writer who spent most of his life trying to achieve the liberation of Armenia. 

Born into an Armenian merchant family in Iran, he followed in his father's footsteps in pursuing a career in trade. In 1744 Emin moved to India where he settled in Calcutta and successfully traded across much of Western Asia. 

An Armenian patriot, he desired to see his compatriots free from the Iranian and Ottoman yoke. While in Calcutta that Emin came into direct contact with the British and embraced European way of life. He was convinced that the Armenian path to freedom lay in the pursuit of Western education and practices. 

To facilitate this process, Emin travelled to Europe throughout the 1750s and 1760s, seeking support for the liberation of Armenia.  While in Britain, Emin befriended Lord Northumberland and other aristocrats, and, with their help, was admitted to the Royal Military Academy in Woolwich. After graduating, he briefly served in the British army during the Seven Years War (1756-1763) in order to gain practical experience. 

Emin left Britain in 1759. He first visited Prussia, where he tried to secure Frederick the Great's support, before proceeding to Eastern Anatolia, where he intended to launch a movement to liberate Armenia. He visited the courts of the Armenian meliks of Karabagh and King Erekle II [Heraclius] of Kartli-Kakheti, seeking their support for his liberation plans. But neither party supported him at the time. So in 1761 Emin returned to Europe where he spent two more years trying to get support, including contacting the Russian imperial court. Emin's dream was to establish an independent kingdom of Armenia in alliance with Georgia and under Russian protection. 

In 1763 Emin returned to Georgia and met King Erekle II whom he urged to support Armenian liberation. Unable to convince the king, Emin travelled to the North Caucasus where spent four years among the tribes of Daghestan. 

In 1767, he traveled to Karabagh and Zangezur to incite a rebellion but could not overcome Armenian Catholicos Simeon who was staunchly opposed to any rebellion and refused to provide any support for Emin's schemes. Thus, Emin once again chose to solicit King Erekle's support. After another failed attempt at the Georgian court in 1767-1768, Emin decided to return to India and he spent years trying to convince Armenian merchant communities in India and Iran to raise funds for the Armenian liberation movement. Yet again, he failed again. 

Bitterly disillusioned, Emin remained in India for the rest of his life, and devoted his time and energy to keeping the idea of the liberation of Armenia alive. He wrote, in English, his two-volume autobiography where he described his numerous adventures. Entitled "Life and Adventures of Joseph Emin, 1726-1809," the book was first published in London in 1792 and was later expanded (with Emin's letters) and reprinted by Emin's great granddaughter in Calcutta in 1918.

In his autobiography (written in third person), Emin devoted several chapters to discussing his visits to the Georgian court, meetings with King Erekle and interactions with the Georgian nobility. He has little good to say about the Georgians, frequently accusing them of treachery and cowardice, and comparing them unfavorably to other peoples, above all the Armenians. Below is the passage from the book describing a battle between the raiding Lezgin party and the Georgian troops led by King Erekle II in 1767.

It was then the beginning of autumn [1767]; and, in the latter end of December, Shaverdy Khan of Ganja began again his undermining politics, writing letters to the Lazguis [Lezgins, residing in present-day Daghestan] for troops to reduce the great tribe of Shamsadin, who had put themselves under the prince’s protection; but Heraclius [Erekle II], fearing some ill consequence, sent five hundred Georgian horse[men] to Ganja, in order to keep the khan quiet. He, not minding them much, laid a scheme, on the arrival of the Lazguis, to put them all to the sword in cold blood. Since the Shamsadin tribe, like others, was divided into two parties, one for the prince, and the other for the khan, one party would have joined to put the design into execution; but, luckily for the Georgians, a young Armenian mountaineer, a new apostate to the Mohamedan faith, had been a few days before made a servant to Shaverdy; who being in bed and asleep, the young man, not contented with his new religion, took the gun hanging in the same room, and shot the khan to death, which ended all the mischief, and saved the lives of many thousands. The young man was put to the sword by the khan’s son, called Agajar Beg ; and from that time Ganja by degrees became a province under Heraclius.

[...]

It may not be improper to recapitulate here three remarkable circumstances in regard to the Armenian nation, which were of service to Heraclius. The first was, David his subject, discovering the horrid conspiracy of thirty-two Georgian noblemen, headed by Heraclius’s own uncle by his mother’s side, Prince Pala; the second, that Emin, when commanding the Lazguis, discomposed Shaverdy Khan’s government, by freeing the Colan Curd tribe mentioned before; the third, that the young mountaineer put an end to the khan’s life, when he was near recovering his dominions from disorder, and preparing to overset the prince’s power, who being just on the brink of downfall, was fortunately saved from one of his greatest rivals.

The Armenian merchants or tradesmen of Tiflis have served the prince and his family, on all occasions, with troops, money, quarters, provisions, and forage, for forty years last past, most truly and affectionately; yet the prince [Erekle II] was never mindful of them, nor showed them any regard. Emin cannot in conscience blame the poor prince on that head; he is rather to be pitied; since the force of his religion, and the holy ministers of the sacred Greek church, being predominant in his mind, he was not endowed with probity sufficient to shake off its spiritual influence; not resembling those great-souled heroes, who disdained partiality, and rewarded merit wherever it was found. Such has been the chief curse to some Christian powers, for the vengeance of the Almighty falling upon them, when Mahomed mounted on a camel from Arabia came to scourge them; and they are treated with indignity by all nations.

Emin, from day to day, flattered himself, through the smooth words of the prince, that he would assist him, by giving the command of a detachment to him. In this manner full nine months passed; but Heraclius could not afford to bestow on him a single abasy, nor any thing else, except half a Tabriz maund, or pound, of bread, (little ‘more than three English penny loaves,) half a maund of mutton, and half a maund of weak wine, for the allowance of two hungry persons. Emin and his relation Mussess, who through necessity were thankful for being taught economy by His Highness. Emin did not much mind it, having inured himself to living by that rule all his lifetime. Poor Mussess persevered as well as he could; but it must be supposed that he sufiered greatly. This way of victualling was on feast days; but on fast days they had no more than half a maund of bread and half a maund of wine: for the Armenians feast six months in the year, and fast six months without eating either fish or flesh. Those who can afford it, may have all sorts of fruits, fine olives, and pilau with oil; but God help those that are poor; they can enjoy nothing. In any part of Armenia they may have plenty of fruits, but not at Tiflis where everything is proportionably dear; it being in some sort a metropolis. 

In one of the last battles against the Lazguis, in the depth of winter, they were no more than a hundred men, each having an Emeral: the Lazghis were commanded by Michael the Centurion, an Armenian by birth, who had been taken captive when an infant, and brought up in Daghestan. This brave man happened to be one of the captains of the Lazguis sent to Solomon, prince of Emeral, as auxiliary troops. He came from Daghestan, joined his troops, and defeated 4o,ooo Turks and Dadians [?] belonging to a petty Georgian prince of the Turks party, whose country the Lazguis ruined and took slaves for their pay, to the number of one hundred, chiefly females. Others, more prudent, staid where they were, in Emeral Georgia, till the melting of the snow, knowing that prince Heraclius would not keep his covenant, made when they were invited by his son-in-law prince Archil, brother to Prince ‘Solomon. 

But this Michael being originally an Armenian, and credulous by nature, trusted to prince Heraclius’s honour, who having intelligence before of his intention to march through the snow on the Plain of Samigory (or the Three Miles) lay in his way near a forest, half a mile’s distance from the river Chabry, one the branches of the Cur. There he remained a fortnight, with four thousand chosen Georgians, cavalry and infantry. In the afternoon the Georgian sentries brought word that the Lazguis were coming, upon which every man mounted readily, but without any order, making a confused effeminate noise, with the sound of a long "i", as far as their breath could go. 

The Lazguis not apprized of the prince’s hostile intention, took it to be a hunting party. Before they came up, prince Heraclius’s eshikagesies, or aides-du-camp, said to Emin, “It is his Highness’s express command that you go out of his band to charge the enemy before.” 

[Emin] instantly obeyed, spurring and whipping his horse; but he was hardly gone ten yards, when the Georgians began firing behind him, and the Lazguis scarce fifty yards from him in front; so that he was between two fires, both taking aim at him. The Lazguis took him to be a Georgian, and the Georgians were glad of the opportunity to make an end of a poor single Armenian, whose great faith was his armour and shield. [Emin] called upon God, and rushed through the enemy without being hurt, so that he went round and stood at some distance to see the operation. While he was between, those two savages fired balls that flew close to his ears, and killed fifty Georgians, with some men of note, and as many of the Lazguis. 

Being opposite, Emin then fell upon them sword in hand, surprising them in close quarter; while the Lazguis, fighting like tigers, laughed and spit in the Georgians faces, calling them treacherous Caffirs [Infidels], for not keeping true to their word. Michael the Centurion signalized himself in a most surprising manner, as he was surrounded by three hundred Georgians for his share, and firing his piece, he killed one first, and not having time enough to load again, he clubbed it, and holding it by the muzzle, fell among the Georgians, and knocked down six or seven of them. When his firelock was broken, he drew his sword, and with his dagger in his left hand, defended himself, fighting and calling Heraclius by all manner of bad names. The prince took care to go upon a high eminence. Michael received nine balls through his body before he fell, pronouncing, "Lallah, Ilalah, etc."; then he laid himself down with as much composure as if he was going to sleep, and with his right hand under his head, looked as fresh as a rose. 

The Georgians behaved like savages; for when [Michael] was dead and gone, some of them came and took his head off, some his hands, some his feet, and others ripped open his chest to see his heart, which was amazingly large, and his liver was as black as jet; which puts me in mind of an expression of the sailors as a rebuke to a cowardly man, "Go your way, you white-livered fellow!" The appellation signifies that a black liver belongs to a brave man. When his son was taken he said that his father was seventy-two years of age. 

Forty of the Lazguis fought retreating composedly till they got to the top of an eminence, the ground being soft and mixed chiefly with saltpetre. In five minutes they dug holes with their daggers deep enough to entrench themselves; in the mean time the whole army of Georgians formed a circle round them. The Lazguis fought desperately. When any of them had exhausted his ammunition, he left his post, drew his sword, or clubbed his firelock like Hercules, came out of the entrenchment, rushed among the Georgians, and fought till he was destroyed. This continued till eleven o’clock at night, when the snow began to fall very thick, each flake being as big as an English shilling. Both sides were tired, partly by the cold, partly by the fatigue; those left in the entrenchment having no more powder or ball, cried out, Barish! (or peace,) on condition that the prince would grant quarter, and not molest them, to which his Highness consented; but after they came out, they were stripped stark naked; and after the army had marched back to the camp seventeen of them were put to the sword, and three only left, whom the prince ordered to receive a Tabriz maund of flour for four or five days journey, through snow half a yard deep, to the foot of Daghestan. 

Among them an Armenian boy, sixteen years of age, was taken prisoner and preserved. Emin had the curiosity to ask him, “Who were those twenty-four men among the dead, and not circumcised?” He said, “They are Armenians, brought from Armenia when children, and brought up as Lazguis in Daghestan; for the Lazguis seldom sell the Armenian boys to the Turks as they do the Georgians. The Armenian infants brought up by the Lazguis, turn out brave, and faithful to their masters; whereas the Georgians are not so, but false and treacherous. There is no occasion to say more; you have been in Daghestan, where you hardly saw a Georgian male slave made free, as we emancipate the Armenians, who live there like princes, and when they descend from Daghestan into Georgia for plunder, a few of them stand against thousands of Georgians. You have seen a proof of their behavior to-day, by Michael our leader; who, trusting to Heraclius’s false word, lost his life bravely." Emin then said, “Why did not those Lazguis keep the grown men and women as well as the children?” Then he said, “O, good Sir, how can you be so ignorant of the world. The Armenians will never turn Mahomedans, if they were cut to pieces; nor are their women so beautiful as the Georgians; and in their slavery they are most unhappy; they are therefore ransomed by their own countrymen, and become free again.”

That very night [King Erekle II] asked Emin the reason of his not bringing the heads of two Lazguis, which, as he had been told, he killed in the action. Emin swore by his honour that it was not true; and declared honestly, that he did not even fire his piece at them; when he had an opportunity, showing the pan of it to the prince, that it was fresh and the muzzle not at all dirty. The prince said, “ Why so, my, Emin Agha?" Emin said, “May it please your Highness, they are my best friends. I have been treated by them like their own eyes, as it is known to all men; it would be dastardly for any man of the least principle, to hurt his friends without provocation; especially as it is against the law of nations, to attack these brave men who were called at the desire of prince Solomon and your son-in-law prince Archil his brother, and became the chief instruments of rescuing their principalities out of the hands of the cruel Turks.”

 The prince, at this reasonable answer, hung his head, and after casting his eyes five minutes on the ground, said to him, “May God reward you according to your heart!” 

August Haxthausen-Abbenburg, "Transcaucasia" (1843-1844) - Part 1

August Franz Ludwig Maria, Baron von Haxthausen-Abbenburg (1792 - 1866) was a prominent German economist, writer, and collector of folk songs. Born into a wealthy Westphalian noble family, he received a traditional Catholic education in Westphalia, which was occupied by the French forces. Influenced by the rising tide of the German nationalism, the young Haxthausen took part in the War of the Sixth Coalition (1813-1814) against Emperor Napoleon, an experience that greatly shaped him his worldview. 

After the end of the Napoleonic Wars, Haxthausen enrolled at the University of Göttingen, where he studied law and literature until 1818 and befriended the famed Grimm brothers, under whose influence he began collecting German folklore and published several compilations of folk songs. In 1829, Haxthausen published an economic study "Ueber die Agrarverfassung..."in which he advocated repealing the Napoleonic legislation and reversing the liberal reforms introduced by the French. His anti-revolutionary rhetoric was noticed by Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm IV who invited Haxthausen to Prussia and tasked him with producing an economic study of the Prussian state. Haxthausen spent the next decade traveling across Prussia, visiting its provinces and examining local conditions before producing an economic study that recommended specific reforms. 

In 1842 Haxthausen returned home but was soon contacted by the Russian authorities, inviting him to continue his research on land and communal institutions in Russia. In 1843 he traveled to Russia and spent one year visiting various parts of the Russian Empire, including the Crimea and the Caucasus, before returning back home. 

During his travels Haxthausen maintained a journal that he soon rewrote into a travelogue which was completed in 1849. Before it was published in Germany, the travelogue was acquired by a British publisher (Chapman and Hall) which published an English translation in 1854, just as the Crimean War began and the British public was keenly interested in all things Russian. In the preface, the translator observed that "nothing whatever has been done to adapt it to the present crisis [Crimean War]." 

We landed at Redout-Kale, which has a tolerably good harbour. The aspect of this place is very singular, lying on the river Khopi, which is here navigable for ships at its mouth. A row of houses stand supported behind on piles in the water, and the vessels sail directly up to the wooden balconies which run along this side. Trees and bushes are scattered among the buildings, and the external aspect of the place is quite that of a Dutch village, except that the neatness and elegance of the latter must not be looked for in the interior of these dwellings.

After we had breakfasted with an American merchant, and the General had returned with his suite to the steamer, my companions and I made preparations for starting on our journey into the interior of the country. We were furnished with horses, and some Cossacks as an escort. We rode northward along the sea-shore to Anaklia, a small fortress erected by the Turks, and now a Cossack post, close to which lies a wretched Mingrelian village, where we procured a fresh escort of Cossacks. During the whole day our road lay through forests, and what noble forests! In the southern acclivities of the Caucasus the tree-vegetation of the north is found together with that of the south; and I have rarely seen finer beeches, oaks, elms, fir-trees, interspersed with planes, chestnuts, walnuts, olives, laurels, and cherry-trees, the native habitat of which last is said to be Mingrelia. The magnificent beech-trees, even surpassing in beauty those of Holstein and Seeland, excited my especial admiration. The country in which the beech—the most beautiful of all forest-trees—flourishes, stretches northward to Sweden and Denmark: in these countries, as for instance in Schonen and Seeland, it is most picturesque, being less lofty, but more spreading and branching than in Holstein and Hanover, where in thick clumps it sometimes rises eighty feet to the crown. Further eastward, the country of the beech does not extend so far to the north. Even in Prussia beech-woods are comparatively rare, and in their place we meet with the lime-tree, which predominates in the immense forests of Lithuania, whilst it is nowhere found growing as a forest-tree in Gcrmany. In Poland likewise beech-woods are rare, but in the spurs of the Carpathians they arc frequently seen. During all my travels in Russia, I nowhere observed any beech-woods, or indeed any of these trees growing singly. In fact 1 first met with the beech again in the mountains of the Crimea, growing in beautiful forests, now partially devastated. It gave me a real feeling of joy, after an interval of nine months, to see once more the tree of my own country reappearing in such luxuriance and in such noble company.

Where these forests are not too dense to allow underwood to grow, especially when composed of elms, vines have twined around the trees, festooning them from branch to branch. It is impossible to conceive a more luxuriant and charming sight: for miles all the trees were hung to their very tops with red bunches of grapes,—for I nowhere observed any white grapes. This fruit is said to be very sour, and scarcely eatable. The vines appear to grow perfectly wild, no one caring to cultivate them, or laying claim to their possession.

For some distance our road followed the course of the river Ingur, the navigation of which is obstructed by dangerous eddies, and the rocks and trees overthrown into its current. During our journey this day we came to no regular village,—merely here and there single and lonely farms. Every Mingrelian is free to settle where he pleases in these primeval forests; he cuts or burns down a clearing in the woods, builds himself a log-house of the trunks of trees, hedges in the farmstead, together with a few acres for cultivation, and establishes his household. The soil is fruitful, and bears excellent crops of maize and millet: tobacco also thrives in Mingrelia, but its cultivation is ill understood. Oats are not grown here at all, and barley is used as fodder instead. The inhabitants pay their lord—here the reigning Prince of Mingrelia —a tribute from the produce of the soil, maize, millet, or cattle, according to agreement. The forests have everywhere been thinned by clearings for these isolated farms, which are generally situated upon some small eminence. The dwellings are log-houses, thatched with maize straw: they have two opposite doors, generally in the gable-end, but no window or chimney. The interior is occupied by a single apartment, with the hearth in the centre. There is no furniture, although in the houses of the wealthier class may be seen Persian or Tatar carpets.

[Haxthausen's note: The women go barefoot, but wear kerchiefs of gold brocade; and the same inconsistency is seen in their houses, which are carpeted, although destitute of tables and chairs! All the Asiatics, living under Slavic domination, have a prevailing taste for luxury. The Circassians, whose passion is liberty, like the ancient Germans, covet luxury only in their weapons and armour.]

We occasionally met natives of the country, always on horseback: their appearance was very remarkable, and in their long brown girded dress, with a hood drawn over the head, they bore a striking resemblance to Capuchin friars. May not S. Francesco d'Assisi have borrowed from the Mingrelians the dress prescribed to his Order?—a supposition by no means impossible, since at that period the Genoese had their factories along all this line of coast. Here and there we also observed the dark brown burka, a thick and close cloak, which serves for protection against cold and wet, as well as against heat, when the external temperature is higher than that of the blood: it is said to be the chlamys of the ancients. The hooded cap worn by the Circassians is called bashlik, and by the Abkhasians ghetaph.

During our ride this day we only traversed lowlands, broken occasionally by slight acclivities; and at about five o'clock in the afternoon reached Sugdide [Zugdidi], the residence of the Prince of Mingrelia, who is always called the Dadian—probably the family name: he [David Dadiani, r.1840-1853] is the reigning prince, and recognizes only the suzerainty of the Emperor of Russia. In the sixteenth century the Georgian Eristan [eristav], or Governor of Mingrelia, threw off the yoke of Georgia, and assumed the title of Kheselpe [khelmtsipe], or king; his successors have maintained their independence to the present time. I was informed that a few years ago the Russian Government offered him [David Dadiani] two million and a half silver roubles, to abdicate his sovereignty, but he had never been induced to consent to this step.

At the beginning of the present century, the Georgians and Immiretians [Imeretians], after the abdication of their czars, fell under the immediate dominion of Russia: Russian legislation and administration were generally introduced. Mingrelia, Abkhasia, the county of the Suanetians [Svanetia], Mohammedan Avaria and Tarku [both in modern-day Daghestan], only acknowledged the supremacy of Russia, at the same time retaining their own princes together with their legislation and administration, excepting that of criminal justice, which for the protection of the inhabitants was subjected to the jurisdiction of Russia.

The residence of the Prince of Mingrelia stands on a plateau upon a hill, one side of which is covered, down to the little valley whence we ascended, with about two hundred houses and small farms, inhabited by the attendants of the Court and civil officers of the Prince. Upon the other side of this eminence lies an open plain, with a number of fine old trees in detached groups; and in the midst of it stands the palace of the Prince. But let not the reader be led, by this high-sounding name, to form an exaggerated idea of a residence which is quite an ordinary dwelling,— not at all superior to a common European country-house—a square box, seventy feet long and thirty-five feet deep, with two stories, ten windows in front and five on each side: the house is tiled, and the walls are whitewashed. The only peculiarity is, that a wide wooden gallery runs along the front of the second story, the access to which is by a staircase on the outside of the building; and from this gallery several doors open into the apartments on the second story, which has no communication with the lower one. The space usually occupied by a staircase and landing-place withinside the house is thus saved, and the whole of the interior devoted to apartments. The lower story is inhabited by the Court servants, and contains also the kitchen, storerooms, etc. The upper story is the residence of the Prince and his family.

The family were at this time absent from home. During the hot season, when fevers are prevalent, all persons who can afford the expense remove from these lowlands to the mountains, and the Prince's family had not yet returned from their summer residence. We were nevertheless received with the most cordial hospitality by a kind of major-domo, or finance minister of the Prince, who, to our surprise, was a Frenchman. We afterwards heard, that in 1812, on the retreat from Moscow, this man was taken prisoner, and remained behind: he had been cook in the service of a French general, and, while prisoner, was engaged in that capacity by a Russian general, whom he accompanied to Tiflis, but he finally entered the service of the Prince of Mingrelia. In his present post, he appears to be a factotum or minister of affairs in general, and has adopted the tournure and manners of a French marquis of the ancien régime. With his powdered head and neat little pigtail, his silk stock ings and buckled shoes, he looked charming, in the midst of this picturesque scene. But one thing I could not pardon, which I ascribed to his influence,— the disappearance here of that peculiar air and character which surrounds an Eastern Prince.

This officer conducted us through the apartments of the Prince's family. The walls were covered with very inferior Moscow paper-hangings; and the furniture consisted of tables, chairs, and couches clumsily made, and of a fashion nearly half a century old, together with a musical clock such as is seen in every public house in Russia. Upon the wall hung two flags, and a few books were lying on a table, one a folio manuscript volume in the Georgian language beautifully written, apparently in verse, and probably some heroic poem. Our worthy guide was unable to read Georgian,—all he knew was, that the Prince set a high value upon this book.

We partook of some excellent tea, and later in the evening a supper was served up à la Française, at which champagne was of course not omitted. Our party was joined by a Mingrelian nobleman, a vassal of the Prince's; as he understood only his native language, we had no conversation; he sat for several hours with his back to the wall, sedate and silent.

The old Frenchman told us, that there are several princely families, and a great number of nobles, in this country, who all acknowledge the Dadian as their feudal lord and sovereign. They are obliged to render him assistance in war, and in certain cases he has the power to declare their fiefs forfeited, but this requires the assent of a Court of Vassals.

[Haxthausen's note: We were told that, in imitation of the Europeans and especially the Russians, the Dadian had established an Order of Ms own, with which he delighted his vassals, and the star of which he himself wears. The Russians do not recognize this decoration.]

The Dadian, in common with his vassals, has peasants under him, who are divided into two classes, one, consisting of those settled immediately around the Court or residence of their lord and master, cultivate his land, and perform other services, in return for which the lord is bound to support them and their families: the second class consists of the regular husbandmen, who till their own fields, and pay their lord a tribute of the produce, maize, millet, and cattle. I could not correctly ascertain, whether this tribute is fixed by ancient custom, or whether the lord determines it arbitrarily and according to the circumstances of the time; nor could I learn whether bond-service prevails. It is said not to have existed originally, but the Russian laws are at present in force, and the lords appeal to these occasionally to maintain the existence of serfdom. The Mingrelians and Immiretians formerly went in troops to Georgia, to take service as farm labourers, for they are stronger and more industrious than the Georgians; but of late a check has been put to this, to prevent the country, which is thinly inhabited, from being entirely depopulated. In loading corn, and in all work requiring a sudden exertion of strength, such as lifting a beam or rolling a tree, they utter a sharp and inspiriting cry.

The revenue of the Dadian consists almost entirely of natural produce, and as there is no good market for this, its pecuniary value is small, compared with the extent of a hundred square miles of fertile territory. For months together the Prince has frequently not twenty-five roubles to meet the petty expenses of his household. His sole money-revenue is derived from the forest-lands, which is collected in the most wasteful manner: for example, this year the Dadian had accepted from a Turkish speculator two hundred silver roubles, for as much wood as he chose to cut down and carry away for ship-building. It is strange that the Russian Government does not purchase from the Prince, at a fixed rent, the produce of these forests, for the service of their fleet at Odessa.

All that I heard at Tiflis of the Dadian, and particularly of the late Prince, reminded me strongly of the life of a German prince and feudal lord of the fifteenth century. The old Dadian spent his time in hunting, and in contests with the northern, warlike, and predatory tribes: he was constantly engaged in hostile excursions, with his suite of young nobles and princes, and during peace passed his time in the chase, accompanied by his hundred princes—the number of adult male members of the princely families. On these occasions the herdsmen used to give information one to another of the direction which the Prince was taking, in order to conceal their cattle; for if the party came upon a herd, some of the beasts would without ceremony be slain on the spot, roasted and eaten. Whenever any stranger or traveller visited the Dadian, or met him on these hunting excursions, the latter instantly presented him with the finest horse that chanced to be at hand, without asking the owner's leave; but it not infrequently happened, that the owner watched for the stranger's departure, and took back from him the Dadian's present.

At six o'clock, the following morning, we remounted our horses. The weather was glorious, and our road lay through forests the whole way, a succession of hill and dale. At every instant new prospects opened, increasing in beauty, and on the high grounds we had frequent views to the north over the lofty range of the Caucasus, whilst to the south stretched the mountains of Asia Minor. We had to ford several small rivers, most of the bridges having been carried away in the preceding spring. In the heart of these forests, on every side, and especially upon eminences, are erected wooden churches, four of which stood within a short distance of our road. We ascended to several, and found them to consist of a chapel about twenty or twenty-five feet square, built with upright timbers jointed into one another, from fifteen to twenty feet high. Upon these was laid the roof, projecting ten feet on every side, resting upon pillars, and forming a gallery all round the building.

The chapel had no windows, merely a few long narrow apertures, and a door ornamented with arabesque carving. There was neither tower nor cupola, but at ten yards distant stood a clumsy kind of belfry, in which hung two bells. These chapels are evidently still in use, although no dwelling was to be seen for a great distance around—not even a house for a priest or sacristan: but there stood the humble little church, buried in the solitude and silence of the forest!

There were no regular posts on our road, but only Cossack stations, ten or twelve miles apart, where six to ten Cossacks are generally stationed, and remain for three years. These men are remarkably useful and teachable, and readily become naturalized in a foreign country. We everywhere found them perfectly settled and at home ; they live with the greatest frugality; bread, eggs, and milk were the only food we could obtain, and these but occasionally. Along the whole journey to Tiflis, the bread was mostly wheaten, but leavened, and had a very bad taste; but the Cossacks had invariably a samovar, and we could always prepare a dish of tea.

Evening was approaching, when we had to make a somewhat dangerous passage of the river Tschenikal [Tskhenistskali] (the Hyppus of the ancients), and we reached the little market-town of Khoni at dark. The busiest day here, as in all the towns in this district, is always Friday, the day before the Sabbath: in fact the Jewish customs and usages have influenced the whole of the East, as Chardin remarks. We found here a regular post-station, and were enabled to rest after our fatiguing journey.

From hence to Tiflis runs a high-road, along which are regular post-stations, protected by detachments of Cossacks. We were now able to procure once more a carriage; and although the motion on a Russian teleeja [telega, a four-wheel horse-drawn vehicle], especially on rough roads, is not the most agreeable, I preferred it to riding on horseback, which was still more fatiguing.

We started early from Khoni, and at about nine o'clock, in a pouring rain, reached Kootais [Kutaisi], where we met with tolerable accommodation, in an inn somewhat resembling a European one, kept by a French cook, who had married a Dutchwoman. The Chief of the Circle [uezd, a district] called on us, and gave me an account of the environs.

Kootais [Kutaisi], situated on the left bank of the river Rion (the Phasis of the ancients), is the chief town of Immiretia [Imeretia], which now forms an independent Circle of the Georgian Government under the dominion of Russia. It is said to have been the native place of Medea, and the chief-town of the gold district of Colchis. The old town occupied a height on the right bank of the Rion, where now stand the ruins of a convent and church. There are no remains of any great antiquity.

The land here is commonly cultivated in detached farms, but villages have sprung up around the modern churches, whilst the ancient ones remain solitary and forsaken; the isolated farms are invariably attached to the latter. A number of these farms, varying from thirty to a hundred, has from time immemorial constituted a commune, at the head of which is the natzval, or tithingman. Several of these communes again form a church community, or parish, which has the mavraf [mouravi] at its head; he is chosen by the villages within the parish or ecclesiastical Circle, and the Russian Chief of the Circle ratifies the election. The Mavraf has the command of the local police, and jurisdiction in all cases to the amount of five roubles. Each farm has its land assigned, which is enclosed; and the heaths, forests, etc., lying between these lands, are the common property of the farms or of the commune. The children of the proprietors of the farms are allowed to build on these tracts, and to establish new farms, but never strangers.

The cultivators are not a class of independent landed proprietors, but hold either under the Crown, the Monasteries, or the Nobles. The latter class have probably been regarded as serfs only since the Russian occupation of the country; the two first classes are still free. About one-sixth of the whole are Crown tenants. Every peasant's farm, supporting three or four males, pays eighty kopecks (according to another statement, one rouble) to the Crown; if there are fewer males, then several farms pay rent together. In addition to this, a tithe is claimed upon all Crown land; the majority of the tenants have land of their own. The tithe is not raised in kind, but the Mavraf and two of the proprietors assess it upon each piece of land. The Conventual peasants pay the same money rent, together with one of wax and wine, and the Government may probably have adopted this mode from the clergy.

The peasants who hold under the nobles have scarcely any protection from the law, and are obliged to give what the lord demands. The Government levies a tax upon the nobles, of one silver rouble for each of their peasant-farms. The nobles are divided into the lower class and the princes; but in some parts the latter are so numerous and impoverished, that a village was pointed out to us, in which one hundred and twenty princes possessed together only thirty small farms. Some princes, however, have a number of noble vassals, who pay them fixed taxes on their fiefs: and these vassals, or rather their feudal rights and tributes, they can sell or exchange.

Whether there formerly existed distinct endowed benefices, I could not ascertain; in recent times the Russian Government has everywhere endowed the Church livings with land; and the clergy in addition derive from the exercise of their functions,—marriages, baptisms, with various fees or presents,—what we term in Europe "jura stolae."

From Kootais [Kutaisi] our road led into the mountains of Immiretia, for the greater part following the course of small rivers. The country is romantically wild. High up on a rock we observed another small church, and beside it a belfry. In every part of the forests the branches are festooned with vines, which arc said to have been in remote times planted and cultivated here; in some parts they yield a very tolerable wine, called in Immiretia gwino [ghvino]. We found excellent honey, white and hard: it is the produce of wild bees, and the wax and honey form one mass. A green honey, also made by wild bees, is said to have a strongly intoxicating quality.

We now approached Georgia [Kartli]. From the Querela [Kvirila?] station our road continued for sixty versts through deep mountain glens, and along the course of several small rivers. On the summit of two hills were seen the ruins of mountain castles. We crossed a considerable mountain, at a point where the lofty range opens, and the road leads down into a wide valley, through which meanders the river Koor [Kura/Mtkvari], the ancient Cyrus. Occasionally we passed one of the carts of this country, of the rudest construction: the wheels are generally a circular piece of wood, with a hole in the centre. I observed only a few wagons laden with hay, built in the German fashion, probably belonging to some colonists. Large trunks of trees were dragged along the road, unassisted by any wheels, and only fastened round with ropes and chains,—one of them drawn by seventeen pair of oxen! In Germany this tree would have been drawn on a wagon by a pair of horses along a macadamized road, and by four horses on a bad one.

Descending to the valley, at about four versts from the station, we came to Surama [Surami], a fine ruined castle, standing on a steep hill which rises isolated from the plain: this has evidently been the principal key of a general system of fortification. In front was erected a line of towers, at about a thousand paces from one another: I counted five in a semicircle before the castle, at the back of which rose fortified heights. Similar towers are seen in nearly every Georgian village, and on the farms of the nobles these served, until within a few years, as a shelter for the villagers, especially the women and children, and a protection to the property of the settlers against the predatory attacks of the Lesghis, Circassians, Ossetes, etc.

I made the acquaintance of the Russian civil and military officers in every place through which we passed. They all agreed in describing the people of this country, especially the Immiretians, as thoroughly depraved and immoral, thievish, mendacious, and quarrelsome. Some years ago the Russian Government ordered a valuation of the property to be made, and these people are accused of having forged numerous documents and given false evidence, which led to the commission of great wrong and injustice. Property however has subsequently become more secure, and the prevalent litigious disposition has been checked. Nevertheless this people is one of the finest in appearance upon the face of the globe, with noble, expressive, and intelligent features. I can scarcely credit the full truth of the character given them; nor indeed were the people originally so bad, but have unquestionably become corrupted by degrees, the fault of which may be attributed to the higher classes and the degraded state of the Church.

After resting for a few hours at night, we started again, and early on the 9th of August reached the little town of Khori [Gori]; the Russian post-house stands withoutside it. Here is a panoramic view of wonderful beauty: to the north, the majestic range of glaciers of the Caucasus, tinged with the rosy morning hues, the summits of the Elbrouz and Kasbek overtopping the lofty mountain-range of Akhalzik [Akhaltsikhe] on the south. The spurs of the mountains are everywhere covered with picturesque ruins of castles: in the foreground, upon a lofty steep hill rising isolated from the plain, stood the extensive ruins of the castle of [Gori], which the town adjoins in a kind of amphitheatre. At the foot of the castle hill runs a wild mountain stream. The immediate environs of this place are fertile, and boast the richest vegetation; whilst around, small hamlets, scattered in the midst of trees and underwood, with strongly-fortified towers, exhibit a favourable specimen of the agriculture of the country.

[...]

There are two ascents to the old ruined castle,—one from the town side, which I followed, and the other by a road from the water, protected by walls with towers and battlements, intended for making sallies. The two circular walls and towers on the summit are preserved, but all the rest is in ruins: the remains of vaults, cellars, springs, and a dungeon, are still visible. In times of danger the inhabitants of [Gori] secured their property here, and many had even small houses on this height, where ground fetched a high price.

The following pretty tradition was related to me by an Armenian, settled in [Gori], who conducted me about the place. A thousand years ago this entire plain was an immense lake, out of which rose the present castle hill, like an uninhabitable island. The Czarevna (princess) Thamara was once hunting in this part of the country, carrying on her wrist a favourite falcon. She let him fly, and the falcon mounted and made a swoop at a dove; but missing her, he flew away, without heeding the call of the Princess, far over the lake, and alighted on the nearest island, the present castle hill. Then the Princess promised to give half her kingdom to any one who should bring her back the falcon. A brave young knight sprang upon his steed, dashed into the lake, and swimming safely to the island, caught the falcon; but on his return, horse, knight, and falcon sank into the lake, and were buried in its waves. The Princess ordered the lake to be drained, and its waters led into the Koor [Kura/Mtkvari]; then she built a castle upon the bill, and there mourned away the remainder of her life in solitude.

In some points this legend has a near resemblance to several of the German stories collected by the Brothers Grimm and others. Popular traditions and legends are mostly of a date far anterior to the existence of any living race; their principal outlines form a kind of heritage, transmitted from the most ancient times, and common to mankind at large; and as the various nations have branched off from the main stock, they have preserved and handed down the treasures of popular imagination for thousands of years. These legends readily attach and adapt themselves to new persons and places; they borrow more or less their colouring from the country in which a people have settled; but the groundwork of the picture remains invariable, as well as the clearly defined circle of ideas within which all legends are restricted.

At about nine versts from the next station, of Tschali, I again observed, not far from the road, the ruins of a strong tower. Near to a village was a large space of ground, of several acres, surrounded with high walls, in a tolerable state of preservation.On the north stands a gate, surmounted by a tower. Within this area lie the ruins of a large building, and other smaller ones: we were informed that the the whole was once a considerable monastery, named Satavarvisi [Samtavisi].

Haxthausen's drawing of the Samtavisi Cathedral

In the middle of the square was a church, in tolerable preservation, excepting partial dilapidation of the roof and some other parts. This church may be considered one of the most beautiful and interesting specimens of architecture in Russia, which is not rich in monuments of art. The general form of the edifice, as well as the style of the interior, is Byzantine; four large columns support the lofty cupola over the nave, which latter forms an exact square, one end of it being partitioned off by the altar-screen, the Iconostasis. The execution however of many of the details, and the ornaments, are not Byzantine, but a mixture of that with the Gothic and Moorish styles. The four principal columns are pure Gothic, slender clustered pillars; the groined arches are Byzantine, and the windows Moorish, with many extremely elegant specimens of sculpture and arabesques. But notwithstanding this mixture of styles, a noble and beautiful air of unity reigns throughout. The church, which is built of freestone, with great care and stability, has three entrances, and on the west side has been added what appears to be a family sepulcher. The walls in the choir where the altar stands are covered with frescoes, in several rows, one above another; and on the cupola is a representation of the Saviour in the act of benediction, which is frequently seen in the Greek churches. The paintings are evidently not of older date than the end of the seventeenth century, and were perhaps executed by some inferior Italian artist, whom chance may have led to Georgia. The church itself however is unquestionably much more ancient, and belongs to quite another period, when there existed a close connection between the East and West, probably with Rome herself. I may hazard a conjecture, that this, as well as many other churches in the country between the Black Sea and the Caspian, date from the latter part of the Middle Ages, and from the connection with Genoa, which at that time ruled the coasts of the Black Sea.

In [Gori] I saw an Armenian church of a similar style and character, but far less beautiful, and of a later date. The paintings are evidently of Western origin, a Stoning of St. Stephen, the Virgin, with a fair complexion, not dark, as in all the Greek Madonnas, etc. There were several modern frescoes, painted by a Pole. This church is devoid of sculpture and arabesques, and, like many other buildings in Georgia, is constructed of shingle, alternating with bricks, and cemented with a solid grey lime mixed with gravel.

Along the whole road to Tiflis, and indeed in every part of this country, ruined castles and fortified places are seen on all the heights,—indications of a warlike period of the Middle Ages rich in historical interest. The banks of the Koor [Kura/Mtkvari] resemble in this respect those of the Rhine, but here history is silent.

In Immiretia we met some clumsy four-wheeled waggons, but in Georgia only two-wheeled carts, generally drawn by buffalos, are used. On every side, on the roads and hills, we observed square stone chests, imbedded in the ground, eight feet long, three wide, and two deep: these were used in ancient times as wine-presses, and the present aspect of the country shows the change which has taken place: vineyards are no longer to be seen, and only here and there a garden with vines. This circumstance, as well as the numerous desolate spots on which villages formerly stood, with their ruins, and the ridges seen in the forests, partially overgrown with thorns and brushwood, clearly indicate a period when this country must have been far better cultivated and peopled, and have boasted a much higher degree of importance.

In Mingrelia and Immiretia I saw scarcely any corn grown but maize, and a remarkable species of millet, khomi [ghomi], which does not grow further north, even in Kherson. In Georgia I first noticed barley grown to any extent, in the valley of the [Kura], and further on towards Tiflis were large fields of wheat. Maize is here [in Kartli] little cultivated, rye and oats not at all. The wheat is threshed out upon a floor made of fir-planks, in the open air, by a curious instrument of a triangular form, constructed of boards fastened together, and armed with small stones and blunt iron pins: a horse or buffalo is harnessed to one corner of this triangle, upon which some persons stand, to assist by their weight the operation of threshing.

On the morning of the 10th of August we reached Mzketha [Mtskheta], anciently the residence of the Czars of Georgia, but now a wretched, mean-looking place: ruins, and one or two churches are the sole remaining traces of its former importance. Tradition says that the town was built by Mzkhitos [Mtskhetos], son of Kharthlos [Kartlos], great-grandson of Noah. This place is situated on the confluence of the Koor [Kura/Mtkvari] and the Aragui [Aragvi]. In the year 469 the kings of Georgia removed their residence from hence to Tiflis.

Haxthausen's drawing of the circle
 with a cross

This place has been repeatedly described by travellers, and I need not therefore repeat what is so well known. I first visited a church [the Samtavro Church?], in good preservation, standing in a walled churchyard. Twelve nuns have established themselves here, although it is no regular convent: in fact, there are no proper convents of nuns within the jurisdiction either of the Georgian or Armenian churches. In one corner I found a picture, painted on a gold ground, and evidently an old German work of art: what accident can have brought it here? Built into the wall of this church was a round stone, about three feet in diameter, upon which was roughly chiseled in relief a circle with a cross,
similar to those I have frequently seen in the ancient churches and other buildings of the Templars. The cross of the Eastern churches has always a different form.

We next went to the principal church [the Svetitskhoveli Cathedral], formerly the cathedral of the Exarchate [Catholicos-Patriarch] of Georgia, which was in progress of restoration. In this building the ancient kings of Georgia were crowned, and many of them lie buried here: to the present day likewise the Catholicos of Georgia is here consecrated. In this church is preserved, as a relic of peculiar sanctity, a piece of the garment which Christ is said to have worn. In the Uspenski Cathedral at Moscow, and in the Imperial Church at St. Petersburg, are also deposited portions of this sacred relic: Shah Abbas sent them to the Czar Michel Feodorovitch, after the conquest of Georgia.

This [cathedral] also stands in a large walled churchyard, in which are several poor and dilapidated dwellings of the officiating priests. This church is said to have been erected in the tenth century; it was afterwards destroyed by Timur, and restored between the years 1414 and 1424: it is built of a greenish stone, in the same style as the church of Santavarvisi [Samtavisi]: the walls are covered with frescos, of very inferior merit, and apparently of a late date of European art. The first Russian saint's picture was brought to Georgia in 1750.

[Mtskheta] lies at the head of two connected valleys, and upon a mountain opposite to Armoz [Armazi] are the ruins of a strong fortress, with numerous towers and battlements: all the surrounding hills are crowned with high watch-towers.

The road to Tiflis crosses a bridge, the erection of which is ascribed to Pompey, and then follows the course of the Koor, which is in some parts shut in by high walls of rock. In the latter are artificial caves, many of them from twenty to above forty feet,—at a remote period the dwellings of Troglodytes, and in more recent times an asylum of the inhabitants in their civil wars.

View of Tiflis as drawn by Haxthausen's companion Prince Paul Lieven

We reached Tiflis at eleven o'clock. This town has a peculiar aspect: on the side from which we entered, the quarter inhabited by Russians, it has a perfectly European look: straight streets, rows of modern houses, elegant shops, milliners, apothecaries, even a bookseller, with cafes, public buildings, a Government palace, churches with cupolas and towers, the various Russian military uniforms with French paletots and frock-coats, quite transported us back to Europe.

But where this European town ends, one of a perfectly Asiatic character begins, with bazaars, caravansaries, and long streets, in which the various trades are carried on in open shops. In one part is seen a row of smithies, the men all hammering away on their anvils, heedless of the crowds of passers-by. Then follows another row of houses, where tailors are seated at work, in precisely the same fashion, and with the same gesticulations and agility, as with us. After these succeed shoemakers, furriers, etc.

The population is no less varied and interesting: here Tatars, in the costume from which the so-called Polish dress is evidently derived; in another part thin, sunburnt Persians, with loose flowing dresses; Koords, with a bold and enterprising look; Lesghis and Circassians, engaged in their traffic of horses; lastly, the beautiful Georgian women, with long flowing veils and high-heeled slippers; nearly all the population displaying a beauty of varied character, which no other country can exhibit, an effect heightened by the multi-coloured, picturesque, and beautiful costumes. In no place are both the contrasts and the connecting links between Europe and Asia found in the same immediate juxtaposition as in Tiflis.

I met with an excellent lodging in the house of a colonist from Swabia, Herr Salzmann, who had established an inn on the banks of the Koor, and here I once more enjoyed German fare and comfort. My host showed himself to be a man of acute and practical understanding, united with considerable power of observation; no one is better acquainted with the people of the Caucasian district and their social and political relations; he has travelled over the whole country, and mixed with all classes of its inhabitants; in fact I have gathered more information on these subjects from no person than from Herr Salzmann.

During our stay in Tiflis I made many interesting acquaintances, amongst others that of Herr [Moritz] von Kotzebue, a well-informed man, but not very communicative, maintaining the diplomatic reserve common to most Germans in the Russian service. The Civil Governor, Herr von Hourka, to whom I had a letter of introduction, rendered me all the attention and assistance in his power.

But the most important acquaintance I made was a guide and interpreter, in the person of a shoemaker named Peter Neu. This man was a perfect original. Peter when a lad had emigrated with his kinsfolk and countrymen from Württemberg, and with them had settled first at Odessa, and afterwards in a newly-established village colony near Tiflis. But Peter Neu was of a restless disposition; he wandered about through various parts of the country, went afterwards to Asia Minor, then to Persia, was appointed interpreter to the Crown Prince, Abbas Mirza, travelled with him for eight years, and after the death of the Prince returned to his countrymen. Peter was an invaluable treasure to me; he had a remarkable genius for languages, and knew a dozen European and Asiatic tongues,—German, French, Russian, Circassian, Tatar, Turkish, Armenian, Georgian, Persian, Koordish, etc. Peter had an astonishing memory, and in six weeks would, without any effort, acquire a power of expressing himself fluently in a language perfectly new to him. United with this talent he possessed a rich gift of poetical imagination, and had an inexhaustible treasury of marchen, legends, and popular songs, gleaned from all the countries he had visited; and as we lay in our tarantas, day or night, he used to relate these stories with untiring energy, until I fell asleep. At first he was somewhat reserved, fancying that such popular stories were too trifling an amusement for a learned traveller; but after a few days we became bosom friends, having food, lodging, and everything in common. And now the floodgates of Peter's knowledge were opened! whenever, as we drove along, I observed any ruin, a strangely-shaped hill, a cavern, etc., I exclaimed, "Come, Peter, now for another story, some legend or a fairy tale!" And before an hour had passed, he would return from the nearest village, Tatar or Georgian, whatever place it happened to be, with a whole load of stories. At the same time, however, Peter was an adept in buffoonery, and was never satisfied without receiving every day or two a downright scolding for some act of stupidity. As soon as this was administered and over, he embraced and kissed me again in the tenderest manner. Good, honest Swabian, I will at least record your name and virtues in these pages, that if my name should ever go down to posterity, yours may accompany it.

After settling down in my lodging, then sauntering for an hour or two about this oriental town, which was of high interest to me, and paying a few visits, I went at noon with Herr Salzmann to the German colony, outside the town. At the hotel here I met the well-known German naturalist, Dr. Wagener, from Munich, who was busily engaged in packing the treasures of natural history he had collected, in order to have them shipped. Dr. Wagener had just ended his travels, and was now returning to Europe, to arrange the rich acquisitions he had made, and give the public the results of his researches.