Thomas Alcock, Travels in Russia, Persia, Turkey... (1831)

Thomas Alcock (1801-1866) served as a Member of the British Parliament at various times between 1826 and 1865 and was known as a progressive politician and advocate of extending the franchise, a fervent supporter of the preservation of commons and open spaces for public use and recreation. In the years 1828-1829 Alcock traveled through the Russian Empire, on his way to Persia and the Ottoman Empire, and later privately published his memoirs of this journey, which lasted eighteen months. He based his account on the notes he had taken while on the road. 

Tiflis has lost much of its Asiatic character since it has belonged to Russia, but the manners and costume of the Georgians arc very oriental. They adopt partially European habits, and are divided in this manner, as well as geographically, between the Persians and Russians : they sit cross-legged, but not on the ground like the Persians, having a sort of sofa; they do not eat without knives and forks, but have one perhaps between two or three; a single plate also frequently serves the whole party. Their dress is not the large flowing robe of the south, nor is it the tight coat of the north; it is a medium, and a very pretty costume — a full frock coat with large open sleeves, a sash round the waist, a long waistcoat reaching nearly down to the knees, closed in front, and a Persian cap and slippers. 

The baths at Tiflis, as throughout the East, are of much grander construction than those in Europe; their vaulted domes forcibly reminded me of the ruins of the baths about Rome. The system of bathing is most effectual ; it may almost be said that a thin skin is peeled off. The men employed in this capacity are so diligent to do the duty completely, that the operation of being steamed, then boiled, then rubbed and rubbed again, and then deluged in soap-suds, seems of infinite duration to those who usually consider a bath as an European comfort rather than an eastern luxury. 

We visited here the remains of an ancient temple of the fire-worshipers, at present converted into the dwelling of an old Georgian woman; there was nothing in the ruin itself worthy of observation. The old lady was employed in making a bridal dress for her daughter, of more value apparently, than her whole property ; such is the oriental love of finery. In the interior of the country we happened to see the merriment of a wedding, which consisted chiefly of dancing and men were drinking. The men were formed in a ring, leaping and hallooing with such vigour that the exercise was excessive; and the bride and bridegroom, standing together, having on their heads crowns of gilded ornaments to distinguish them, as is generally the custom in marriages of the Greek church, looked like two egregious fools. 

Before the possession of Georgia by the Russians, the women wore their faces covered, according to 

the fashion and religion of their eastern neighbours; but as the result of all sudden conversions is generally a falling into the contrary extremes, they now volunteer a greater display of their charms than is becoming, and which, leaving nothing to the imagination, destroys the interest one would otherwise take in the contemplation of their handsome features. 

There are twenty-eight thousand inhabitants in Tiflis, and it is a very flourishing town, carrying on considerable trade with the East and Moscow. It is probable that its commerce will continue to increase, and that a new channel of communication will be opened by the Black Sea, through the province of Gouriel, having Poti as the port, from whence there is a good road, which will enable them to trade directly with the Mediterranean.

[...]

Whilst we were at Tiflis, the officers of one of the regiments (of which the emperor's son, Michael, had been made honorary colonel) gave a grand ball in honour of their victories [during the Russo-Ottoman War of 1828-1829]. The pashas of Kars and Bayazeed were present, being prisoners on their parole: these, with the representatives of the old Georgian court in their national costume, whose ladies were so painted and pasted that they dared not move a muscle of their faces, and sat like as many pictures, in addition to the officers of a large garrison, made it a superior sort of fancy ball. The greatest taste was displayed in furnishing the rooms with arms: a lustre from the centre of one of the saloons, formed entirely of bayonets, did great credit to those who had the arrangement. Pillars were ingeniously constructed of muskets, to support lights; and the windows being open, had blinds in front of them composed of ramrods. The Turkish colours which bad been taken in various engagements, and were suspended in the rooms, assisted greatly to decorate the festive scene. The supper-tables were ornamented with beautiful bouquets of flowers, and I felt more satisfied than ever of the superior system of handing round the dishes. The remembrance of this supper has forcibly occurred to me since my return to England, where I have seen, at public dinners, immense joints placed before individuals who act as general anatomizers to the party; and it struck me also on the same occasion, whilst drinking to the health of General Paskevitch, that this tribute performed in silence was far preferable to our system of standing up and cheering on similar occasions. Some of the Georgian ladies were dressed in European fashion, spoke French, and assisted at quadrilles, waltzes, and mazoorkas. 

[...]

An opportunity was afforded us, during our stay at Tiflis, of making a most agreeable expedition through Kaketia and Lesghia, having been requested by the colonel of a Russian regiment to accompany him on a shooting excursion, to which he had been invited by the chiefs of the little republic of Balakan, situated in the independent part of the Caucasus, In the course of our tour through Kaketia, which may be considered the finest province of the whole Caucasus, abounding in vines, extensive forests, and splendid scenery, we were received (owing to the kindness of Count Paskevitch, who sent a Georgian officer of his suite with us) in the most flattering manner every where, and in a few days got to the quarters of our friend, the colonel. On our approach, late in the evening, we were struck by the singing of the Russian soldiers, who are constantly in the habit of amusing themselves in this way, whilst others were bivouacked around immense fires; and the eager sportsmen were still admiring the result of their chase, consisting of wild boars, deer, and jackals. At day-light, roused by a splendid band of bugles, we almost fancied the martial sound a signal for battle, encamped as we were in a wild country, and accompanied by three hundred dragoons, who were stationed round a given part of a large wood, whilst we were placed in a line across it, and desired to remain perfectly mute and motionless. When all necessary preparations were made, a trumpet was sounded for the advance of the corps of beaters, who immediately set up the most horrid yells, in addition to the noise of drums, horns, and every other instrument that could be found, to astound and drive forward the game. For three or four days we continued the sport, always killing enough at the end of each day to give us pleasure in the anticipation of the morrow, but not however so much as one might imagine from the advantages already spoken of. 

Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 3

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. The third part of the letter describes the fates of King Teimuraz of Kakheti and his mother Queen Ketevan, and provides a general overview of situation in Western Georgia.

For this translation, I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

After wandering for several days in the territories of the other Princes of Georgia, [Teimuraz] at last withdrew to the Turks, among whom he latterly continued to dwell, receiving from the Grand Signor [Ottoman sultan], as I was informed, the government of the city of Cogni, with some lands in Cappadocia, inhabited principally by Christians of the Greek church, the revenue from which government serves for his support. He has continually endeavored and still seeks to be revenged on the [Shah] of Persia. It was he who, in 1618, was the instigation of that great army of the Turks and Tatars penetrating into Persia, in which expedition he accompanied it. This army made greater progress into Persia than any one had ever done before, almost reaching Ardabil, a sanctuary of the Persians, and the place of sepulture of the reigning dynasty of that country, which Teimuraz was ardently desirous of destroying, to avenge himself for the destruction of the churches in Georgia. In this war, the most perilous of any in which Abbas was ever engaged, I accompanied him. The Turks, however, from bad conduct, want of skill and courage, did not reap the advantage they might have done upon the occasion, and finally concluded, as is commonly the case with them, by gaining nothing; nay, their retreat indeed resembled a flight, a number of their men being cut off, which caused the Persian to return to court in triumph, while Teimuraz returned to his province. Since then he has remained quiet, waiting a more opportune moment, which, at the farthest, must occur on the death of Abbas, whom he has every chance of surviving, being much the younger of the two, and of which he is secure, owing to the disappointment these Georgians have experienced in their expectations, who apostatized in Persia after their treachery to Teimuraz; the [Shah] not having requited them as they wished, nor treating them any longer with the same kindness he did before they became his vassals, nor in matters of religion acting as they expected, receiving none into his service, nor affording to any one, whether noble or a soldier, the least assistance, other than on condition of turning a Mahometan. 

For these reasons the Georgians look on him with disgust and repent their conduct, so much so even, that they exclaim openly they have been deceived and that if the past could be recalled, they would act differently. Hence, I doubt not, although Abbas, as a prudent and much dreaded Sovereign, may be able to maintain his ground as long as he lives, that upon his death (as is always the case in Persia) the sword will be drawn at his funeral; provided the Georgians retain their present disposition and become united and [if] they have a leader possessed of abilities, Teimuraz by their assistance may eventually effect great things in Persia, nay possibly assume the succession: against this, there is but the natural temper of his people, fickle and prone to change. Nor will it any ways surprise me, if the dominions of Luarsab should again become subject to some Christian Prince, either by the abjuration of Mahometanism [Islam] on the part of the present governor, or by the people deposing him and placing some Christian on the throne, similar revolutions not being unusual in Georgia.

The Princess Ketevan, the mother of Teimuraz, was, as I have noticed before, sent to Shiraz with her two grand-children. While I was there she resided still in that city, and was treated with great respect. She, with all her family, consisting of a number of male and female attendants, remained firmly attached to the faith of Christ, observing all the duties of religion as well as she was able; but at that time she had no priest with her, or any regular minister of her country to fulfill its duties. On this account, one of her attendants officiated, attached, as I conceive, to the church by some degree, as he was a good Christian, and being looked upon as such by the Muslims [Mores], they were solicitous of removing him; for which purpose they accused him of some weighty crime, and with the help of false witnesses to prove it, put him to death, burning him alive at Shiraz. He met death with constancy, firm in his faith and bearing his fate with resignation. As for the other clerk she had with her when I was there, he managed the whole affairs of the household as an intendant, and was rather a courtier than a priest; and, whether owing to ignorance or any other cause I know not, he never said mass. She had with her, moreover, a monk, but merely a novice of his order, and a lay brother, who was of no service. As, however, the Carmelites and Augustin friars have now a convent and a church at Shiraz, I doubt not they will have afforded consolation to the Princess, and preserve her steady in the faith, particularly as they were never wanting while I was there in rendering her assistance in temporal matters, as long as she lived. 

I say as long as she lived, for in passing through Bassora some months ago, I received news of the death of this Princess on 22 September 1624. She suffered martyrdom in a most cruel and glorious manner in the city of Shiraz, by order of the [Shah Abbas] of Persia, on account of her persistence in the [Christian] faith. I am ignorant whether they [Persians] were solicitous of forcing a renunciation upon her, and can say nothing of the particulars; for them I refer to the memoirs of Father Gregory Orsini, a Dominican, the vicar general of Armenia, who in his travels passed through Persia shortly before me, at a time this newly happened, and gave a relation of the circumstance. This Father was at Bassora when I met him, and heard of [Ketevan’s martyrdom] from his mouth, and thence he afterwards brought a minute detail of the matter with him to Rome. As for the grand-children of this princess, the one called Levan, the other Alexander, they were brought up by the [Shah], who never allowed them to see their grandmother, as he educated them in Islam, lest she should convert them, notwithstanding they resided in the same city. The same year that Luarsab was put to death in prison, Abbas caused them both [boys] to be castrated, desirous of destroying in them, with all hopes of posterity, any desire they might conceive of returning to the country of their ancestors.

In my time, the grandmother [Queen Ketevan], not to hurt her feelings, was kept ignorant of this circumstance; and, on having occasion to see her domestics, they enjoined me the first thing not to mention it. Teimuraz has, however, other children by his second wife, boys as well as girls – God [Dieu] not allowing, possibly, that his family should be wholly extinct. When some months back I was at Aleppo, news had arrived there that Teimuraz, on account of being urged by the Turks to become a Muslim, had sought refuge in Muscovy with a Prince, who is a Christian and follows a Greek rite. Afterwards he attempted but fruitlessly through interference of the [Muscovite prince], who is on intimate terms with the [Shah] of Persia, to obtain the liberation of his mother. It was even said that this interference was the cause of Abbas insisting on her apostatizing, as in cafe of her turning Mahometan it would justify his refusal, or objecting would give a colour to his putting her to death. However this may be, the latent sparks of hatred in the breast of Teimuraz were kindled into a flame upon this new outrage [death of Ketevan], and, joined by the Muscovites, he breathed nothing but war and revenge. 

The [Muscovites], moved to pity and indignation at such an atrocity, provided him with aid, and taking his route through Circassia and by the Caucasian mountains, which lay between Georgia and Muscovy, this Prince re-entered Georgia, and not only in his own country but also in that of the murdered Luarsab had attacked the Persians with great hopes of success; the way being paved for him by a terrible slaughter of Mahometans, on the part of the fame Moura [Mouravi Giorgi Sakadze], chief of the Georgians, and a renegade, who, as I have before related, was the first instigator of all their calamities, and governed this country for the young Prince, in the hands of the [Shah] of Persia. Moura at length becoming suspected by Abbas, from the great authority he possessed, the wily [Shah] intended to put him to death; this, however, being discovered by Moura, he repented his conduct to Luarsab, and forgave the injury he had received, already too amply revenged. It is said he has renounced [Islam] and made profession anew of Christianity; that, by a piece of artifice, he has destroyed several general officers belonging to the Persians, who had shortly before arrived in that country, and either dethroned or put to death the young Mahometan Prince. He is, it is further said, industriously employed in rendering Teimuraz sovereign of all those countries, and delivering his nation entirely from the tyranny of Persia, and the religion of its false prophet. This news, however, I do not give for fact, but relate it merely as it was current.

Notwithstanding the misfortune which, as I have related, befell Teimuraz and the murdered Luarsab, the dominions of the latter are on their old footing, still governed by a relative of his family, but a [Muslim] and a subject of Persia, unless the last mentioned news be true and it be relieved from his yoke. Teimuraz is still alive, although deprived of his dominions; his country and his children enslaved by Persia, his mother martyred, and part of his territories depopulated and laid waste. In short, hitherto he waits for what fortune or rather the Lord [Dieu] may have in store for him.

There are three other Georgian Princes, that is to say, of Imereti, Odishi [Mingrelia], and Guriel [Guria], who have constantly flourished and continue to do so, preserving their dominions in prosperity, without suffering from the Mahometans. The territories of the two Princes of Odishi and Guriel lay on the Black Sea, somewhat exposed indeed to attack from the naval power of the Turks; but possessing, in consequence of their position, the advantage of a considerable trade in silks and other articles with Constantinople and the whole of Greece. In order to keep friends with such powerful neighbors, and that they may have no molestation from them, they profess a dependence on Turkey, and by dint of presents and continual services manage to secure for themselves peace and tranquility. They, however, never admit the Turks into their country to assume command, nor allow a passage even for their army to any other part. On the contrary, they preserve such perfect liberty, that notwithstanding the Polish Cossacks, who dwell at the mouth of the Dnieper on the Black Sea, be constantly inimical to the Turks, and are ever injuring them, the Georgians nevertheless receive them as friends, being Christians, and intermarry with them; nay it is said that the king of Poland maintains a friendly intercourse and correspondence with them, and that vessels frequently traffic between the two countries, a circumstance likely to be of great consequence to the Georgians, the Cossacks at present being masters of the Black Sea, and very powerful; add to which, the king of Poland by means of this sea, in case of their being disturbed by the Persians or Turks, might render them assistance, and these again be of service to the Cossacks, the ports of the countries affording secure retreats to ships in their different expeditions. Moreover, it is not impossible that their position may in some future time be highly advantageous, should any great enterprise be undertaken hereafter by the Europeans against Constantinople, in facilitating an attack upon it by sea as well as by land.

As for the dominions of the Prince of Imereti, from their laying more in the heart of the country, farther distant from the Persians and Turks, and being well defended on all sides by mountains, rivers, and difficult passages, he is independent of either one or the other; outwardly he pretends friendship to both, at the same time mistrusting each, and admitting neither one nor the other to march their armies through his territories. In this he shows his policy, as either, on account of difference of religion, would ruin him if he could: for the [Muslims], notwithstanding they profess and appear to be friendly to Christians under their government, never tolerate them except when induced by interest or necessity, and incapable of acting otherwise; for ultimately they have alwaus ended in exterminating them, as the case with the Greeks of Constantinople, of more recent date with the late kings of Hungary, and in various other instances known to all the world.

After thus having rendered a full account of the temporal condition of Georgia as I found it, I shall now speak of the spiritual. The Georgians at a very early period embraced the faith of Christ, to which they were converted by a foreign female slave [St. Nino], about the year 330. By this slave many great miracles are said to have been performed; her name, however, is unknown, even to the inhabitants of the country, notwithstanding they have retained her history; her only denomination in our martyrology being that of Sainte Servante Chrétienne. From the Greeks, I believe, they first received the faith in the time of the Emperors of Constantinople, and in consequence adopted the Greek ceremonies; those they now observe. The [ceremonies] of the church are performed in their own language, which is written in two sorts of characters, the one called Cudsuri [khutsuro], used in churches and for their sacred books, the other Chedroli [Mkhedruli], for common use; and although this be not the character of the church, the holy books are nevertheless written in it [Mkhedruli script] for the benefit of seculars. The Georgians have constantly followed the tenets and rituals of the Greek church, and possibly are yet involved in its errors. Among the Greeks, indeed, these are less numerous than in the other of the eastern churches, and the Georgians admit even fewer possibly than the Greeks; but as they form a nation little devoted to study, arms being their chief occupation, they are consequently ignorant, and but few among them pay attention to these matters, living like good Christians in the faith. As, however, there are some of their country much more devoted than the Greeks to the examination of their own books, it follows, that one meets with an invincible ignorance [of Christianity] in them, which is excusable. Moreover, being uninformed of the latter [church] councils, after the holding of which the Greeks still retained certain errors from which the Georgians continue free, (as is justly remarked by Baronius in his Martyrology, and Gabriel Prateolus in his Catalogue alphabetique des Heretiques, they stand more justified for those to which they adhere than the Greeks. In addition to this, they are free from the presumption of the Greeks with respect to the supremacy of the church; and even though they acknowledge the Patriarch of Constantinople in certain matters, they are not subject to him appointing their metropolitan among themselves, nor suffering any jurisdiction on his part over their church. They have likewise a great respect for Rome, St. Peter and St. Paul, much reverence for the Pope, and are void of that aversion entertained by the Greeks to supremacy. The [Georgians] are neither proud, perverse, nor hypocritical; neither are they deceitful in their treaties like the Greeks, but, on the contrary, mild, docile, honest, simple, and so easy to be deceived, that, as I have before related, they owe to this the whole of the misfortunes which have befallen them from the Mahometans. In addition, they are subject to Christian Princes, maintain a republic, and possess a government that is well arranged for temporal and spiritual affairs, a matter of chief importance, seeing that those nations which have not any chief, nor any established form of government in the East, are made subject to infidel sovereigns, who at bottom are the enemies of all Christians. With such how is a general union possible? What councils for the purpose can there be assembled? And in case of a synod, what resolutions could there be adopted? Or who, on their being drafted, would observe them? And, slaves as they are, might not any difference which should follow, might not calumny afford a pretext to the Mahometans to destroy them, and persecute the whole body of Christians under their dominion? But all this is possible among the Georgians, on account of their possessing a regular government, a religion and a king of their own nation, ruling with despotic sway according to the manner of the East; nor is there a doubt but great advantage would result from such an undertaking, provided it were zealously begun, and the inhabitants were instructed by competent persons acquainted with their language; although, for what cause I know not, while the Holy See has employed itself zealously for the reunion of the rest of Christians in the East, and has been lavish of expense to reclaim and reunite the Greeks and other nations, it has hitherto paid no attention to the Georgians, who are not more distantly situated, nor more inaccessible than the others, nor less dear to God, nor less deserving of the care of the Roman Church. This consideration has prompted me, acquainted as I am with their affairs, and strongly attached to them, as well spiritually as by the ties of friendship subsisting between myself and many persons belonging to that country, to represent this matter to you, and implore Your Holiness in the most pressing manner to exercise your wisdom in helping them; for the fewer errors to which they may hereafter be subject, the greater the merit which Your Holiness will evince in the eyes of God, and the more brilliant your glory before man.

In order, however, that Your Holiness may not be ignorant of the means by which this is to be effected, and the ways by which help may be sent, I have to inform you that there are three.

The first and shortest is by Constantinople, whence one may travel to that country by land, passing from Scutaria into Asia in safety with caravans, or companies of merchants, who are constantly going thither through Trebizond, and finish the journey in a month; but much more easily and by a shorter course by sea; the transit seldom taking up more than from five to eight days. The most fit persons for such an enterprise would be the Jesuits, the Dominican friars, and the Franciscans, who have a convent there and a church; but especially the Jesuits, on account of its being their peculiar province to devote themselves to the spiritual health of their neighbor, to instruct and establish colleges and schools, which, as is evinced by experience, is the best and most excellent of all methods. However, in passing from Constantinople into Georgia, I conceive there may exist some difficulty, owing to the objection of the Turks to people of our religion entering that country, particularly if known to be monks or priests; nevertheless, I have no doubt, but individuals possessed of prudence and a knowledge of Turkey, at the same time familiar with the languages, by assuming a different dress, and simulating the character of a merchant, or some other avocation, may travel thither with little danger of discovery, going in small numbers and at different periods.

The second way is by Persia, and much easier, by accompanying the Cafila, or caravan of merchants, first to the dominions of Luarsab, at present subject to the Persians, and thence to the other and all of the states of Georgia. For this purpose, from that quarter the Portuguese Augustins might be dispatched, who have churches in Persia, or more properly the Carmelites; as well as that in their abstinence from meat they much resemble the oriental friars, as that from the austerity of their mode of life, they would have more influence upon the monks and prelates of the country and afford a more excellent example for the people. They would have greater facility in their enterprise from the late martyrdom of the Princess Ketevan at Shiraz, whose body is laid to be interred in the convent of the Augustins, through the means of the relations of the metropolitan Allahverdi, and several others of the chief of the Georgians, with whom I have formed an intimacy. In this case it would be requisite I should accompany them; and that everything should be conducted with the greatest caution, secrecy, and prudence, that the [Shah] of Persia might have no suspicion of any other design intended under this cover, which might expose the adventurers to much injury, as well as the Georgians themselves.

The third and last course is by the way of Poland. From the extremities of this kingdom one may readily reach the Black Sea, and thence in a very few days arrive in Georgia. This voyage may also be completed by descending the Dnieper, passing by Kiovie [Kiev], said, to be the Tomos of Pontus, whither Ovid was banished. In Poland there would be no want of monks for this purpose either among the Jesuits, Dominicans, or Carmelite friars, all of whom have convents in that country; nor would the furtherance of the plan on the part of the king be wanting, so good a Catholic and so pious as he is; nay, we should meet with assistance from his vassals the Cossacks, through whose means missionaries might enter Georgia in perfect security, with a bishop, even nuncio or ambassador, if necessary. The Russians also in Poland might be of some avail, as following hitherto the Greek ritual; although some among them be Roman Catholics, they might be instrumental in inducing them to persevere in the Catholic faith, and would set them a valuable example. 

But Your Holiness who, separate from your consummate wisdom, are moreover inspired by the Holy Spirit, will readily discover many other and preferable methods to what I can point out. I, therefore, beseech you to accept this account, containing the summary of all the information I possess, as a testimonial of my reverence for the Holy See, and zeal for the propagation of the religion and the service of Christ; with which I conclude j most humbly kissing Your Holiness's feet.

Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 2

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. The second part of the letter describes the fates of Kings Teimuraz of Kakheti and Luarsab of Kartli as well as the devastating Persian invasion, led by Shah Abbas I, of Kakheti in 1614-1616 that resulted in more than one hundred thousand Georgians being deported to the Safavid realm. 

For this translation, I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

In the present age, either as a punishment for their sins, or otherwise by permission of the Most High, the Georgians have been sorely oppressed; and that, more than to any other cause, owing to their disorganization and feuds: hence, notwithstanding they yet have considerable power, they have lost a great part of that they formerly possessed. For, of the six Princes which I have described, one descended from their ancient [Shah]s, whose dominions bordered on Armenia and Cappadocia in the neighborhood of Tabril and the confines of Media, and who served against his will, at one time in the armies of the Turks, at another in those of Persia, in their continual wars, had his territories by degrees incorporated with those of the Turks, who finally seized upon the whole of them, under the vain pretext of his being the fomenter of these troubles. I am told that there yet exists a young Prince of his family who lives at the court of the Grand Seignior [Ottoman sultan], soliciting there in vain, as an indemnification for the dominions ravished from him, the government of some province.

Shah Abbas of Persia

Of late years, upon a fresh war breaking out between the Persians and Turks, shortly before my travelling into Persia, two other Georgian Princes of the ancient royal house were spoiled of their principalities; and, although not utterly ruined, were reduced to a wretched condition. Possibly, however, some new revolution, which is not unlikely to happen, may reinstate them. These two Sovereigns are the Princes Teimuraz and Luarsab, both whom, their territories lying on the frontiers of Persia, were in measure dependent on that empire. The greater part of the Princes of Georgia even were accustomed to receive their education at the court of that power, and these two latter passed several years of their infancy there. In the war of which I speak, while peace was negotiating between the Persians and Turks whilst yet the armies of either power were in presence of each other, and while, whom these Princes depended on was yet under discussion, each claiming them as his vassals, the [Shah Abbas I] of Persia affirmed to the Turkish ambassador that they constantly owned allegiance to him, and that as a proof they waited on him in his camp as often as required. The ambassador, who would not allow his claim, answered, that if they were thus submissive, it might be proved by his summoning them at the instant.

Upon this the [Shah] summoned them, but these Princes, seeing the Turkish army so close upon them, were fearful of declaring themselves, and prevaricated first with one then with the other, excusing themselves handsomely towards the Persians, but refusing to enter their camp. This piqued the Persian exceedingly, and brought him into a degree of disrepute among the Turks; he, however, dissembled his resentment at the instant, as he could do no other; but after the Peace was concluded and the Ottoman army withdrawn, he, by his usual intrigues, managed to effect a disunion between Luarsab and Teimuraz, such even as almost to engage them to resort to arms, notwithstanding their affinity, for Teimuraz had espoused as a second wife the sister of Luarsab; extremities, however, were prevented, while their two armies were on foot, by the interposition of certain noblemen, their vassals, who represented to and satisfied them of the division being fomented by the [Shah] of Persia, for the purpose of ruining both. Upon looking into the intrigue, they discovered that this [Shah] had secretly conveyed a letter or order to either, couched in the selfsame terms, exhorting each to attack, make away with the other, and seize upon his dominions, in which attempt he pledged to succor him, and maintain him in possession of the territories he should conquer: professing to each he addressed the strongest friendship and the greatest aversion to his adversary, on many accounts which he suggested. Notwithstanding this elucidation, so easy of deception is this nation, it failed to put them on their guard, or teach them wisdom.

In addition to this, the [Shah] fomented discord between Teimuraz and his mother, or at least excited mistrust. This princess, called Ketevan Dedopali, or Queen Ketevan, possessed great abilities, was of exemplary conduct, related to Luarsab, and being a widow, had governed the state for years during the minority of Teimuraz, and had valiantly defended it against her cousin Constantine Mensa, a Mahometan  [Muslim] Prince, who, upon the death of her husband, Daud, the brother of Constantine, had mercilessly and cruelly massacred her old father Alexander [King of Kakhetia in 1605 at Dzegami]. After him another brother attempted an invasion of the state, and would have succeeded but for her giving him battle, defeating him, and putting him to death, together with a number of persons who supported him. Upon these several accounts she was exceedingly esteemed and loved by the people. The [Shah] of Persia, to excite mistrust in the mind of Teimuraz, insinuated that his mother intended to marry a certain officer, whom, for his valour and prudence, she had employed in different departments of the government; and that in such case, she would contrive the ruin of Teimuraz for the purpose of securing the principality to the children she might have by her second husband.

Teimuraz nourishing this idea, and ignorant of the snare laid for him, put this officer, the best stay of his country, to death, and withdrew all authority from his mother; afterwards this young man, unexperienced and not beloved by his nobility, found himself encircled with trouble. For the [Shah] of Persia excited fresh discontent in the state, and rendered him contemptible in the eyes of the nobles on account of his being a child, treating them on their visits to Persia with the greatest distinction and familiarity, making them considerable presents, and in everything which regarded their religion, admitting perfect toleration; so that by degrees they became attached to this monarch, weaned of their affection for their natural sovereign, and esteemed as the height of felicity their having him for lord.

Teimuraz I and his wife Khoreshan.
A sketch from the album
of Roman Catholic missionary
Cristoforo Castelli

After employing such artifices for some time, the [Shah] of Persia, in 1613, fell all at once upon Georgia with a large army, under pretense of Teimuraz having married the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan], sister of Luarsab [King of Kartli], who had previously been promised to him. Wherefore, on his arrival upon the frontiers of the dominions of Luarsab and Teimuraz, he ordered these two Princes to come to his camp, to render account of this and bring him the bride, stating his firm resolution of possessing her, and insisting on the dissolution of her marriage with Teimuraz, which already had been consummated; as if such a practice were allowable with the Christians as with the Mahometans [Muslims].

The Georgian Princes were astonished at this unexpected summons, and what augmented their confusion was the treachery of a number of noblemen, who afforded a free passage to the troops of Persia, and introduced them into the heart of the country; into which, without this perfidy, from the natural fortifications which surround it, and its difficult passes, it would have been impossible for him to have penetrated. These Princes, exceedingly perplexed, knew not what measures to adopt, and Luarsab, resolving on obedience, surrendered himself, and was sent by the Persian [shah] into the province of Astarabad [Gorgan], on the Caspian Sea, a considerable distance from Georgia, where he was placed under the care of the khan of that province, and treated rather as a guest than a prisoner, being allowed to go wherever he chose. The [Shah] of Persia did not cause any devastation upon entering the territories of Luarsab, but established there as a governor a certain Riarei, or Bagrat Mirza [son of King David XI], either an uncle or cousin of Luarsab, who had some years before turned Muslim in Persia. He had a son [Simon II/Semayun Khan] who was a Muslem as well as his father, but born in this religion, who governed in that country when I was there, not indeed as a sovereign prince, but as a khan and vassal of the [Shah] of Persia, the better part of whose forces were commanded by officers of the Christian faith, which likewise was the religion of the chief part of his subjects.

After Luarsab had resided in this manner for some years in Astarabad, that he might be more secure of his person, the [Shah] of Persia caused him to be removed to Farsistan, or Persia Proper, one of the provinces the most distant from Georgia, where he was closely confined for some time in a fortress, at a short distance from the capital, called Shiraz. At last in 1621, or about that time, when his subjects had the greatest hopes of his liberation, and the [Shah] appeared most anxious to see and be favourable to him, exactly the reverse occurred. For this sovereign [Shah Abbas] all at once was disgusted with the Prince, in consequence of the revengeful insinuations of one Maura [Mouravi Giorgi Sakadze], a man of highest consideration among the Georgians, and very powerful, whose sister Luarsab had either promised to marry, or after marrying had repudiated, who persuaded the [Shah], with whom he was high in savour, that he never could maintain a secure and peaceable possession of the dominions of Luarsab as long as he lived; for being so well beloved by his people, they would constantly nourish hopes of seeing him again their sovereign, as long as he existed, their hearts and good-will being wholly his. Instigated by this motive, or else from the discovery of a conspiracy about this time among the Georgians to destroy him, [Shah Abbas] resolved on quashing their hopes, which, in case of any insurrection, might cause these people to appear in array against him, and caused Luarsab to be strangled in prison with the bow-string.

Teimuraz was more caudous, never trusting himself to the custody of the [Shah] of Persia, declaring when called upon, that he was apprehensive of his anger, as he was  offended; that it was impossible for him to part with his wife, as neither the Christian religion nor his own honour allowed him to give her up to another; but in order to satisfy [the shah] of his submission, he sent to him his own mother with his two unmarried sisters, and two young children, his offspring by the lady contested. This measure was adopted by Teimuraz under expectation that Princess [Queen] Ketevan, his mother, a woman of consummate ability, and who had several times before negotiated different affairs in Persia with the [Shah], with whose manner and disposition she was perfectly acquainted, would be able to appease that Monarch, and procure him peace. The measure, however, was fruitless, the [Shah] being inexorable, and appearing to be passionately attached to the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan] and well knowing that Teimuraz neither could nor would listen to the insolent proposal made to him of giving her up, he insisted on Teimuraz appearing before him. But as the Prince refused obedience, the [Shah] retained [Queen] Ketevan, and sent her, together with her children and grandchildren, to the city of Shiraz, where, when I was there, she was maintained with the respect due to her rank. After this the [Shah] of Persia entered Georgia with his army, that is to say the province of Kakheti, the realm of Teimuraz, which was made accessible by the treason of several nobles who sided with [the shah] in hopes of great rewards and opened to him the most difficult passages through the mountains.

Teimuraz perceiving his enemies all at once in the midst of his country, without any army on foot to oppose them, or time to raise one, was fearful of trusting himself to subjects whose fidelity he had full reason to suspect, and having no other resource, he, with his wife and a number of Georgians, who faithfully adhered to him, betook themselves to flight; first taking refuge in the more interior and strongest part of the country of Imereti, where this Prince first reigned, and afterwards flying to Odisci [Mingrelia], that is [the realm of the] Dadian.

Many noblemen under false hopes voluntarily submitted to the [Shah] of Persia, and apostatizing enrolled themselves under his banners. Others of more generous disposition, but who had no time to flee, were overcome by force. Thus the whole people, in immense numbers, became the prey of the the conqueror. The [Shah], upon his entrance into Georgia, after observing the natural strength of its fortifications, and reflecting on the injury to which he would be exposed from the inhabitants provided they should become united and under a good government, was not only undesirous of retaining the country, but conceived it best to withdraw thence the whole of his army as soon as possible. He was, however, unwilling to miss the advantage he obtained by the subjugation of such a numerous people, of infinitely greater value than the country itself; and duly weighing the desolation which would follow the entire depopulation of a whole province, he caused all the inhabitants, males as well as females, to leave their houses, noblemen as well as commoners [roturiers], young and old of all descriptions, causing them to take with them their most valuable effects, as many as they could, and placing them in front of his army, he marched them rapidly into his own dominions, afterwards distributing them among those provinces that farthest from Georgia and less populated. Hence the provinces of Kerman or Caramania, Mazanderan, on the Caspian Sea, and several others of that empire, are now principally inhabited by Georgians and Circassians, for a number of Circassians but a short time before, from a dearth of provisions in their own country, passed into that of Teimuraz, and became the vassals of this Prince in common with the Georgians, living and intermarrying with them. These, therefore, were treated in the same manner as the Georgians, and, alike dispersed over the different provinces of Persia, enjoy equal liberty with the other subjects of the crown. Although they are found in many other provinces, in Farsistan and Mazanderan, they are in such numbers that throughout whole cities and districts there are no other inhabitants. For their subsistence the [Shah] grants them lands, for which they pay, in common with the Mahometan [Muslim] subjects, an inconsiderable tax [tribut]. These people, who form the chief of the inhabitants of these provinces, preserve their religion, which, however, is rather unrefined [fort grossier] Christianity, owing to their having no priests or ministers to instruct them, or at least so small a number as to be insufficient for the tuition of such a multitude of people variously dispersed; and even such as these [priests] are so ignorant themselves, as to be of little utility. Many noblemen, however, impatient of hardships, and most of the soldiers, with several among the people, moved by ambition and avarice, in order to participate the bounty of the [Shah] largely dealt out to those who change their religion, and some induced by necessity, have turned Mahometans, and still continue to do so. By means of these the army of Abbas has been frequently augmented; he employing these slaves [esclaves], as they are called, as a counterpoise against and to restrain the insolence of the Qizilbash. The number of these [Georgian] renegades in his service, exclusive of Armenians and Circassians, reaches 30,000. Some of them hold commands in the army, have governing positions, and have risen to various dignities, even to those of sultans and khans.

Distinct from these Georgians, who are free in Persia, there is moreover an infinite number not only of the common people, but of the nobility who in the disorder consequent on the invasion of the Persians into their country, were made slaves by the Persians. So many are there of this description, that there is not a house of any consequence in Persia that is not full of men and women of this country. Not a satrap but has his wives entirely of the Georgian nation, the women of that country being famous for beauty, and even the [Shah] has scarcely any other for his attendants, his palaces swarming with them, as well females as men. All of these nearly have abjured their religion, either in fact or in semblance, under the impression common among them that God knowing the secrets of the heart, it is enough they should remain faithful internally to their religion, and that it matters not what profession they outwardly make.

This unfortunate measure of transporting the inhabitants of Georgia was attended by the most dreadful disorders and excesses. Murders, people dying of starvation, robberies, rapes, children stifled in despair by their own parents, or thrown by them into rivers, Others massacred by the Persians for want of good complexions, others again torn from their mothers' breasts, and thrown into the streets and highways, to become the prey of wild beasts, or be trodden to death by the horses and camels belonging to the army, which for a whole day together trampled upon carcasses: such is the picture of this shocking expedient; and afterwards, how agonizing the separation of parents from their children, husbands from their wives, brothers from their sisters, divided from each other, and forwarded to different provinces! So numerous were these wretched ruined people on this occasion that they were publicly sold at a cheaper rate even than cattle [bêtes]. But let us draw a veil over this frightful scene, and proceed to speak of Teimuraz….

Friedrich Parrot, Journey to Ararat (1829) - Part 2

Johann Jacob Friedrich Wilhelm Parrot (1791 - 1841) was a German naturalist and traveller, who spent much of his life in the service of the Russian Empire. Born in Karlsruhe, Parrot studied medicine and natural science at the University of Dorpat and took part in several scholarly expeditions to the Crimea and the Caucasus in the 1810s. In 1816-1817 he traveled to Italy and Spain and upon return to Russia, became professor of physiology and pathology (and later professor of physics) at the University of Dorpat. In 1828-1829 Parrot traveled to south Caucasia, spending considerable time exploring Eastern Georgia and Armenia. During this expedition, he conducted scientific observations in Tiflis and led a scientific expedition to the summit of Mount Ararat. He later published his account of the expedition entitled "Journey to Ararat."  

There is an active export of wine; for the Kakheti wine is duly—unfortunately, sometimes unduly—prized throughout all Georgia as the very best, though it cannot admit of any doubt that the art of making wine is still but very imperfectly understood in this province, the esteemed produce of which is totally destitute of the true aromatic flavour of wine, and will not keep more than five or six years. Stories of ten-year-old wine are looked upon as suspicious by the initiated. However this may be, there is certainly enough of it drunk beyond Caucasus to afford a knowledge of its properties. Their mode of keeping it, not only here, but in every other district of Georgia, seemed to me to be both instructive and interesting. They have no casks, but keep it in earthen jars and leathern bottles. These latter are made of the skins of goats, oxen, and buffaloes, turned inside out, clipped with the scissors, washed, and rubbed over with warm mineral tar, or, as it is also called, naphtha. The openings are closed with a sort of wooden bung, except at the feet, where they are only tied up with a cord. The wine is drawn at one foot merely by opening or closing the noose. It is a very strange and whimsical sight for the new-comer to see oxen and buffaloes full of wine lying in the wine-booth, or about the streets, with their legs stretched out. These skins, however, are very convenient for home use or for carriage; for they may be found of all sizes, some very small—the skins of young kids—holding only a few bottles; at the same time, these latter come very rarely into requisition.

The Georgian who has a mind to enjoy himself, with his family and two or three friends, in a little country party, is not likely to content himself with so slender a provision. The usual wine measure in retail trade is what is called the tunge, which contains just five of our ordinary bottles; half a tunge, however, is sometimes sold; but it is by no means thought, in Georgia, a proof of extraordinary intemperance for a man to drink two tunges of wine in the course of the day. It might be supposed that the naphtha on the hairy side of the skin would impart a strange and disagreeable flavour to the wine, and spoil the vessels. This flavour, however, is partly lost after the skin has been some time in use, which then becomes more valuable than when new; and besides, there are many connoisseurs of Kakheti wine, who maintain that it is this very flavour which renders it not only innoxious, but wholesome.

The other mode of keeping wine in large jars is generally adopted in the country parts, and more especially for the better kinds. Let the reader figure to himself an egg-shaped vessel, narrow below, with an opening above, of a foot and a half in diameter, and thin sides, smoothly and regularly made of clay, and he will have a tolerable idea of what, when it is of larger size, is termed, in Georgia, a kvevri, and when of smaller, a kh'ila; they are both of this shape.

Such a jar as this is firmly sunk in the ground to the brim, and when filled with wine, its mouth is covered with a round piece of slate, and heaped over with earth, which serves the twofold purpose of preserving the wine, and concealing the place where it is buried. This covering must be removed and replaced every time wine is drawn; so that, to avoid this trouble, when the jar is about half empty, the remainder of the wine is poured into a smaller one. These vessels are very lasting, suffer no leakage, although they are not glazed, and do not become soaked, but may be kept in use for twenty or thirty years, as I was assured, if not broken through carelessness. They are made of very large size generally, six or seven feet high, and four feet wide, with sides of half an inch thick or less. Such a one sells for ten to fifteen silver rubles, and, in good wine years, for more. One of the largest that I have ever seen, perhaps the largest kvevri in all Kakheti, was at Yenisseli, in the prince's house, where I measured it - it was 61/3 feet wide and 81/2 high - o high that a servant was obliged to use a ladder to get into it - and held five araba, each araba being 88 chapp, and each chapp 41 tunges, so that its entire contents were about 7000 stoof of Rig [One stoof contained 1.3 litre].

The process of forming these vessels out of clay so thin that it is incomprehensible how they are prevented from falling to pieces in the hand, and withal so shapely and so serviceable, would certainly be a very interesting sight for any one who had an opportunity of visiting their potteries, and displays a skill which might astonish many a practiced artist in Europe. The principal requisite is well-prepared clay, which must be perfectly cleared from gritty particles, spread out upon a smooth surface, and slashed with a sort of wooden sword till reduced to an extraordinary degree of purity and uniform consistence. The potter first forms the lower end upon a solid low stool, simply with the hand, without any wheel, and proceeds in this manner as long as the temper of the clay will allow the jar to hang together; he then spreads soft moist leaves over the edge, leaving his work for a while to a gentle evaporation of its superfluous moisture, and passes to another article, of which there are mostly six, eight, or ten in hand at once. When the first jar has acquired a little firmness, he removes the leaves, makes depressions with his fingers all round the edge, and forms a new border on it, about four fingers high, with a long roll of, clay that he holds upon his arm, taking the precaution, now, to proceed in a direction opposite to the one he took in making the indentations before, so that the fresh clay may be more firmly imbedded into the depressions; he goes two or three times round in this manner till the new border is about a span high, when its softness might expose it to the danger of giving way.

Besides the hands, there is nothing used but a small board for rubbing and smoothing the internal and external surface. The nipping of the edge is only necessary after the several pauses in the making, not when there are a number of bands of fresh clay added at once. If the jar should become too high, the workman uses a bench to stand on, and as the lower end of the vessel is very narrow, he props it as soon as it is dry enough with pieces of wood and stones; for, except the shed in which the work is carried on, no farther apparatus or arrangements are thought of. The baking of the jars, after they are dried, is conducted in the usual way; they are laid in pairs in a large kiln of masonry constructed in the earth, where they are managed with great adroitness.

While the native is found to prefer the skins and earthen vessels, such as his forefathers used for centuries, the German colonist in Georgia manufactures handsome casks, of good materials and every size, after the German fashion, in which his wine keeps better and sweeter, at least as far as the skins are concerned.

When the rich drink in their own houses, they are served in goblets and glasses, which are filled from wine-jars of the ordinary form; but when from home, they suit themselves to their ancestral habits, and use drinking vessels of many, and in some, instances quite peculiar shapes, made of clay, wood, or silver...

Richard Wilbraham, Travels in the Trans-Caucasian provinces of Russia (1839) - Part 4

After returning to Tiflis from his excursion to North Caucasus, Wilbraham realized that he had plenty of time before the arrival of Emperor Nicholas I. So he decided to make "a short excursion into the province of Kakheti, the vineyard of Georgia, which, as the learned pretend, is the native country of the vine."


My companion for the first few days was a German wine merchant, in treaty for the produce of the vineyards. I travelled in light marching order, with a single servant and a Cossack to be my guide and guard. A small valise tied behind my servant's saddle carried all I wanted. We halted for the first night at the Cossack station of Markobi [Martkopi?], a dreary spot as one would wish to see. The broken panes admitted the wind so freely that our candles were several times extinguished, and the evening felt quite wintry.

October 2nd. Our next night's quarters were more comfortable; and we cared not for the storm which howled without, while seated by a blazing fire, the first that I had seen for many a month. Our host was a young Georgian prince, whose rude dwelling occupied one corner of the ruinous castle of Telav [Telavi], the last stronghold of the gallant but ill-fated Heraclius [King Erekle], last but one of the monarchs of Georgia. Nothing could be more primitive than the architecture of his house: the room in which we sat was scarcely twelve feet square, and furnished only with a bench and table; the walls were made of trunks of trees cemented with mortar, and were scarcely proof against the rain, which fell in torrents. Though in name a prince, our host was scarcely above the labouring class in station or intelligence: he was the owner of a vineyard, by the produce of which he lived, and in which he worked himself, together with his servants. 

The women of his household were as carefully secluded from our sight as in any part of Persia; and whenever they appeared for a moment outside the door, they were closely muffled in their linen sheets. Our host was hospitable to the extent of his means; and after the long day's exercise we were not inclined to quarrel with his homely fare, especially as it was washed down by very palatable wine.

The rain did not set in till we had nearly reached Telav, and our ride was highly enjoyable. The country was beautifully wooded with every variety of forest-tree, and the broad glades of springy turf, almost arched over by lofty branches, opened at times upon wide tracts of park-like scenery. A few small villages lay at a distance from the road; and on the most commanding hills were seen the crumbling towers of many an ancient keep, whose walls of solid masonry had been rent asunder by the giant ivy. These were the castles of the feudal princes of Georgia, a brave but lawless race, now quite extinct. The neighbourhood of the Lesghis, the fiercest of the mountain-tribes, renders this road unsafe; and Cossack pickets are stationed by the road-side at intervals of several miles. From each of these I took a horseman to guide me to the next. We passed a village where the grenadiers of Georgia have their winter quarters, and then commenced a long ascent, so slippery that our horses could hardly keep their legs. From the summit we overlooked the vale of Kakheti, and the serpentine course of the Alazan [river], which washes the base of the mountains of Daghistan. Telav was concealed among the trees. The rain, which had long threatened, now began to fall: we hastened our pace, and, as the evening closed in, we entered the town in the midst of a pitiless storm. It is a wretched place, but the situation is happily chosen.

It was the season of the vintage when I reached Telav, but the uninterrupted rain had put a stop to their labours; I therefore was prevented witnessing the process of making the wine, which I am told is simple in the extreme. My travelling companion hoped by adopting a more improved method to produce a wine fit to be classed with generous Burgundy. On one or two estates, where more than ordinary pains are taken, the superior flavour of the wine shows that it is capable of great improvement. I have tasted some which had been several years in bottle, and thought it excellent. It is a full-bodied wine, and of a pleasant flavour, when it has not acquired a taste of naphtha from the skin.

The Georgians have the reputation of being the greatest drinkers in the world: the daily allowance, without which the labourer will not work, is four bottles; and the higher classes generally exceed this quantity: on grand occasions the consumption is incredible.

October 5th. Having taken leave of my kind host, who pressed me to return by the way of Telav, I bade adieu to my companion, and resumed my wanderings. The early morning was fine, and as the mists cleared away from the bed of the Alazan, we perceived the opposite mountains covered with fresh snow. The river, swollen with the late rains, was now impassable, otherwise I might have been tempted to explore the country of the Lesghis. My hopes of a fine day soon proved delusive: the clouds again began to lower, and the rain fell thick and fast. At times the sky would break for a few moments, enough to show me how beautiful the scenery would be were the weather fine. We passed through many a pretty village, with its high pointed roofs and broad verandas. Each house stood singly in its own domain, upon a sloping bank which faced the south: a few tall groups of oak and ash grew near the river-side, while rich vineyards covered the whole face of the hills. The scene was quite alive, in spite of the bad weather: groups of women were collected beneath the shelter of their porticoes; and numerous waggons, drawn by four or six buffaloes and oxen, were carrying the newly made wine to Tiflis. Instead of casks, the skins of buffalo are used in Georgia for preserving wine. They are turned inside out, and smeared with naphtha, but they still retain the form of the animal; and as the wine rolls with the swaying of the waggon, the legs and tails are set in motion, and look as if life were not quite extinct.

The road, shut in on either side by high vineyards, was almost impassable. Our horses sank at every step above their fetlocks, and my Cossack was soon unable to proceed. My little Arab, too, accustomed to the deserts of his native country, plunged and plunged until he became exhausted; and as the rain still fell, I bore up for an isolated Cossack station, midway between Telav and Signak [Sighnaghi]. At night the clouds rolled away, and a cold wind from the east blew over the Lesghian mountains with a biting keenness. But the next morning was again wet and cheerless, and not a gleam of sunshine burst through the cold grey sky. I took a circuit through the fields to avoid the road, which was cut up by the heavy waggons, but did not mend my case. I counted in one field which I crossed no less than twelve yoke of oxen and buffaloes attached to one single plough. On every yoke sat an urchin urging the poor animals on by cries and blows. 

At length we quitted the valley, and, winding round the base of a hill, on the summit of which stood Signak, we entered the town shortly after noon. I despatched my Cossack to the house of the governor of the district to request that a quarter might be assigned to me. The worthy man kindly invited me to take up my lodging at his house, and I was ushered into the most comfortable suite of rooms that I had seen for a long time. Female taste was evident in every arrangement, but the fair lady of the mansion was not visible. My host was a Russian, and spoke no other language, nor was an interpreter to be found in Signak. However, by dumb show, eked out by a few words of Russian which I had picked up, we got on amazingly well together; and, after a very welcome supper, I was glad to avail myself of the unusual luxury of a bed.

The view of present-day Sighnaghi, with the Alazani valley
and the Caucasus mountains in the background

Shortly before sunset the weather had, as usual, mended; and from the balcony I enjoyed a most magnificent view of the vale of Kakheti. Countless villages lay half-concealed among the vineyards which clothed the mountain side; and the Alazan, now swollen and discoloured, swept in graceful bends through the centre of the valley. The noble chain of Lesghian [Caucasus] Mountains, half-veiled in snow, was tinged with the most brilliant pink, which quickly melted away, and was succeeded by a grey, so cold that it drove me from the balcony to the comforts of a blazing hearth.

Juan Van Halen y Sarti, Memoirs of Don Juan van Halen (1828) - Part 2

Juan Van Halen y Sarti (1788 – 1864) was a Spanish military officer and adventurer who had a rather colorful life. During the Peninsular War (1808-1813) he initially supported the French and served King Joseph Bonaparte of Spain, helping him escape to France in 1813. He then defected to the Spanish side but was investigated for his role during the war and sentenced to death. In 1817, he avoided death by escaping from prison and fleeing to Russia, where he was accepted into the military service and appointed a colonel in the Kavkazskii Dragoon Regiment deployed in Georgia. In 1819, Van Halen traveled to Georgia where he stayed for over a year and served under the leadership of General Alexey Yermolov. In 1821 Van Halen returned to Spain to support the revolutionaries who rebelled against King Ferdinand VII. After the revolution failed, Van Halen had to flee once again, traveling to the Caribbean. In 1830, he returned to Europe supporting the Belgian revolutionaries against the Dutch monarchy. After the new kingdom of Belgium was established, he moved to the Iberian Peninsula where he first supported Portuguese Liberals against King Miguel I and then fought against the Carlists during the First Carlist Wars in Spain. 

Van Halen died in El Puerto de Santa María (Cadiz, Spain), at the age of 76, in 1864.

In the late 1820s, Van Halen wrote (in Spanish) an interesting memoir describing his imprisonment in Spain in 1817-1818 and later service in the Caucasus in 1819-1821. The memoir was later translated into English and published in London in 1830.



On the morning after my arrival at the place of quarantine I entered Tiflis, and immediately proceeded to General Williaminoff’s [Ivan Velyaminov, division commander], to deliver the dispatches entrusted to me by the general-in chief [Alexey Yermolov]. I met the kindest reception from that general, who introduced me to the officers of the staff, who had remained at Tiflis, and especially to Baron Renemkamph [Paul Rennenkampf], a young Livonian. This officer insisted on my accepting an apartment in his house, and presented me to the best societies of that city.

There were several European families residing here, most of whom belonged to the Russian employes; those whom I principally visited being the governor's, General Van Howen’s [Roman Van Der Hoeven], and that of the general of artillery, General Ahuerdoff [Fedor Akhverdov]. With respect to the Georgian ladies, although I felt the greatest curiosity to be intimately acquainted with them, the attachment they still evince for their ancient Asiatic customs, and consequently their retired habits, rendered their society but little attractive.

The term of my residence at Tiflis, however, did not so much depend on my will as on that of General Williaminoff's, who, far from showing any displeasure at my sojourn, gave me a general invitation to his table, and to his library, in which he spends a great part of his time. Under such favorable auspices, Tiflis soon became for me a second St. Petersburg; but which I was shortly to quit in order to join my regiment, that was stationed at Karakhach [Karaghaji, village in the Sighnaghi municipality], one hundred and forty versts to the east of Tiflis. In this, however, I was prevented by an intermittent fever, which never left me during the eighteen months I remained in this country, and which in five weeks reduced me to a mere skeleton. I am convinced that without the unremitting attendance of Dr. Privil, physician to the government, the cares of my excellent friend Renemkamph, who treated me as if I were his brother, and the medicines and attentions of the good Father Philip, the Catholic missionary residing at Tiflis, who acted as my nurse, my fever would, doubtless, have terminated fatally. One day when it was at the highest, my negro, taking advantage of my situation, seized on my wardrobe and my purse, and proceeded, as I afterwards learned, in the company of an Armenian, to Persia, where, owing to the estimation in which they are held for certain offices in the harems, he was placed in that of the Shah; so that I was obliged to content myself with the services of two deanships [batmen], whom the colonel had just sent me from Karakhach, who could scarcely understand my bad Russian.

Two months having elapsed without any material improvement taking place in my health, and finding unavailing both the prescriptions of my doctor, and the incessant attentions of my numerous friends, I resolved to join my regiment. Accordingly I set off from Tiflis on the 16th of December, in the company of Colonel Nicolas Yermolow [Peter Nikolaevich Yermolov], cousin-german of the general-in-chief, and who commanded the regiment of grenadiers of Grousia, or Georgia [Gruzinskii Grenadier Regiment], whose cantonments were in the same direction as those of mine. I was also accompanied by a new comrade of mine, Baron Ungern, lately arrived from Europe, who was proceeding to join our regiment, in the rank of captain, and by several other officers, all on horseback, among whom was my friend Renemkamph, who rode some distance with us.

Our road, though the shortest from Tiflis to our place of destination, was by no means the best, and as in this season, even in this mild climate, the country assumes the aspect of winter, (which, however, only lasts in Georgia from December till the latter end of January,) it did not much attract my attention. After three hours' ride we arrived at the tower of Prince Chalakaioff [Cholokaev/Choloqashvili], a young Georgian, who, being warned of our arrival, had made some preparations for our reception.

The prince, in his Georgian costume, and surrounded by attendants bearing torches, came out to meet us, and conducted us to a spacious apartment of an almost oval form, splendidly illuminated, around the walls of which was a wide continued bench, covered with beautiful tapestry, with cushions at the back, richly laced and embroidered, and which was to serve us both as seats and beds. The ladies and women of the tower, in our passage to this apartment, peeped, like the nuns in our convents, through the blinds, and chinks of the windows and doors; so that the prince was the only one who did the honours of the house, though in a manner which in Georgia would be considered rather as the reception from a friend than from a mere acquaintance.

As soon as we sat down we were all furnished with long pipes, according to the Russian and Georgian custom, whilst our entertainer caused a long table to be placed before us, and ordered supper to be brought, which consisted of several dishes of meat or poultry, boiled together with rice and dried fruits, with plenty of sugar, or honey, and saffron, a medley which for a European was the most strange they could present. With respect to the plate service, etc., all was in the European manner but as the noblemen of this country have no head servant, or steward, the prince was obliged to be constantly supplying the deficiencies and neglects of his awkward attendants; nor was he able to partake of the repast tranquilly until towards its conclusion, when he took his seat among us to drink, and served us the excellent wine of Kakhetia with that frugality by which these people are distinguished. We drank from the Georgian cup, which is a horn of a touri [Caucasian tur, Capra caucasica] highly polished, and mounted in silver or gold, and which one is obliged to hold in the hand, and drink continually, since it cannot be laid down until it is perfectly empty, the etiquette of this country besides requiring, that the guest should pledge his host every time he drinks.

The wine of Kakhetia resembles in taste, colour, and mild effects, that of La Mancha, and especially that of Valdepenas, which is so much in vogue at Madrid. As this wine is transported in Georgia, as in Spain, in skins, its flavour is a little spoiled; but, nevertheless, it compensated for the strange dishes with which we had been regaled, and kept up the hilarity of the company till midnight, when the table was removed, and the prince withdrew, and locked us in the saloon, where, dressed as we were, we reclined on the cushions, and resigned ourselves to sleep.

At dawn of the following day our host entered our room, and informed us that the carriage and horses of our party were ready; we took our leave of him, and pursued our way by a bad road, across glens and torrent-beds. An hour after we arrived at Zahoredsky, where the battalions of grenadiers of Georgia are encamped, and the situation of which is extremely well adapted to found a city.

The house of the colonel [Peter Yermolov] is built on an excellent plan, not only to afford entertainment to the officers of the regiment, but for the hospitality which he so prodigally lavishes on his friends, and where he invited my new comrade and myself to spend a day. Among his officers the lieutenant-colonel of the regiment, the Georgian Prince Abhazoff [Abkhazov], is distinguished for his personal qualities and military merit; even at the age of fifteen he was decorated with the Russian order of St. George, a military decoration which in the most gallant regiment is scarcely possessed by four individuals.

Colonel Yermolow, and several other officers, accompanied us as far as the meadows and stables belonging to the trains of the regiment, and soon after we arrived at the post-house of Manaba [Manavi?], which is fifty-four versts from Tiflis, and where we spent the night. Most of these houses, which are constructed of osiers and covered with clay, have only the necessary partitions for the reception of the officers, travelers, Cossacks, and horses, that may not chance to arrive.

At day-break we proceeded on our journey, followed by two Cossacks, who were our escort. The morning was cold, and the frost during the night had hardened the little snow that lay on the fields, where we occasionally saw groups of sportsmen. At ten o'clock in the morning we arrived at Dampal [Dampala], where we reposed ourselves awhile, and then proceeded to Signachsk [Sighnaghi], which is thirty-five versts from Manaba. The road between these two towns is tolerably good, except just before entering the latter, which, being situated on a hill, offers a steep ascent. The fields, however, are well cultivated, and many of the country houses and farms, which are seen scattered here and there, must present in summer, by their picturesque situation, delightful prospects.

Signachsk [Sighnaghi], which in the insurrection of 1812 suffered dreadful depredations, is the capital of the province of Kakhetia, and is considered an important point on account of its proximity to the Lesghi Tartars, who inhabit the country on the opposite bank of the river Alazann [Alazani]. It has a population of about three thousand inhabitants, who are protected by a garrison more or less numerous, according to the peaceable or hostile conduct observed by their neighbours. The elevation on which Signachsk stands forms a part of a chain of mountains, which on one side extends towards Tielaw [Telavi], the second city of Kakhetia; and on the other towards Tzarskoi'e, a mountainous district, which runs parallel to the Caucasus, from which it is separated by extensive plains, fifteen and twenty versts wide, covered with forests watered by the Alazann [Alazani], which empties itself into the Koura [Kur/Mtkvari], at one hundred and fifty versts from Signachsk to the southern extremity of the province.

Tielaw [Telavi], far wealthier than the capital on account of its vineyards, forms with the latter a barrier against the Lesghis. The richest lands in that district belong to Tchitchivaze [Chavchavadze], a Georgian prince, educated in Europe, who, though serving in our regiment with the rank of colonel, had succeeded, without neglecting his military duties, in improving his valuable inheritance in such a manner that few Georgian nobles can cope with him in wealth. The grapes of Tielaw [Telavi] are larger, more succulent and delicate, than those gathered on the coast of Malaga. There is also throughout this province a great abundance of wild grapes, which, though they by no means bear a comparison with the others, are nevertheless very good. The wine of Kakhetia, therefore, is so plentiful, especially as it is not at all exported from Georgia, that the daily consumption at Tiflis, is from two to four bottles per person.

Mr. Makachew, the commandant-at-arms of Signachsk [Sighnaghi], to whom we addressed ourselves to obtain quarters for the night, invited us to pass it at his house, from the gallery of which we had a view of the Caucasus, the most magnificent I ever beheld. The atmosphere of Georgia, at all times so pure, was on this night doubly so, on account of the north wind which prevails during the winter season, and together with the brightness of the moon, whose rays illuminated the snowy summits of that varied chain of mountains, produced a most picturesque and brilliant effect, surpassing all I have ever seen both in the Alps and the Pyrenees.

On the following morning we set off on our journey in a carriage belonging to our colonel, which was returning empty to the Karakhach, and to the use of which we were entitled. From Signachsk [Sighnaghi] the descent is so precipitous, that we were obliged to alight, and walk for nearly five versts, in the space of which we met, from distance to distance, water-mills, which, though very imperfect in their construction, furnish sufficient flour for the garrison and resident Europeans, except in times of extraordinary drought.

Having descended the heights of Signachsk [Sighnaghi], we proceeded through fertile and beautiful valleys, which extend along the borders of the river Alazann [Alazani] to beyond Karakhach. The twenty-seven versts between Signachsk and this place are accounted very dangerous, owing to the proximity of the Lesghis, who, though acknowledging the Russian government, occasionally commit acts of depredation which can only be repressed by an armed force, and are in the habit of lying in ambush to surprise travelers, and especially the officers, for whose ransom they demand large sums. 

As the Russian etiquette requires that when an officer arrives at an encampment or at a garrison, he should present himself in full uniform, and as, moreover, we were to alight at our colonel's quarters, we travelled from Signachsk as if we were going to the parade; so that our plumes and uniforms were doubly attractive for the mountaineers, had any been on the alert, particularly as we proceeded without an escort, depending wholly upon our arms. Immediately on our arrival we presented ourselves to our chief, Colonel Klimonskoie [Klimenskii?], who, though he had been an aid-de-camp of the Grand Duke Constantine during the campaigns of 1813 and 1814, did not understand a single word of any other language than that he had learned from his nurse; a circumstance not very common in Russia among the class to which he belonged, and which naturally confined our conversation to a few words; but his good humour compensated for this inconvenience, which was shared by another chief, Mr. Soltikoff [Saltikov], who was my colleague, and by one or two more officers. This inspired me with the hope that I should make a greater progress in the Russian language than I had hitherto done, the knowledge of it being absolutely necessary to enable me to fulfill my duties under the banners I served; but notwithstanding my good will, the deplorable state of my health prevented me from applying myself closely to this study.

[A lengthy discussion of Russian military organization follows]

Our colonel, who was a true officer of the spur, and zealous for the improvement of his corps, always presided at our occupations and amusements, which in the morning consisted of exercises on horseback or on foot, by companies or in the line, of the display of horsemanship by the officers, sergeants, and corporals, and of the exercise of arms. The afternoon was spent in visiting the stables, and admiring the good qualities of some of the horses, who were trained to all kinds of privations, and to eat whilst the report of the pistol sounded in their ears. Our veterans, the greatest part of whom were inured to the climate, and who were the only cavalry of the line in the army of Georgia, had rendered distinguished services in the war against the Persians. On the peace with this power being concluded, they were stationed in their present cantonments, as an advanced post. Their proximity to the Lesghis kept them continually on the alert, and rendered this service, though useful to the soldiers, by no means pleasant.

At night the posts around our encampment were doubled, the qui vive of the sentries confounding itself with the sharp howlings of the tchacals [jackals], which are here so numerous that droves of them advanced towards our encampment to seize on our poultry as soon as it grew dark.

The river Alazann, which is within six or seven versts of Karakhach, is fordable at various times in the year, a circumstance which rendered the exterior service of our camp extremely complicated on dark nights, as the plain extending to the river is covered with thick forests.

A few weeks before my arrival, and on one of these dark nights, some twenty Lesghis descended from the mountains, and crossing the Alazann, succeeded in silently making their way on foot through the cordon formed by the sentries. On arriving at the door of one of the three barracks, they poniarded [stabbed] the sentry stationed there before he had time to give the alarm, and penetrating with the same audacity into the interior of the barrack, where the soldiers were asleep, distributed themselves right and left, and plunged their poniards [small daggers] into the first dragoons they met, till the groans and cries of the dying and wounded awakening their comrades, the confusion became general, especially as the Lesghis, who could recognize each other by their beards, had extinguished the lights and continued their horrible massacre on the defenseless soldiers, who endeavored to gain the door and seize their arms. Patrols having at length arrived with lights, the Lesghis sought to cut their way through them; but seeing the impracticability of this, some of them stabbed themselves on the spot, and the rest surrendered, testifying their joy at the sight of the bleeding corpses of Christians by whom they were surrounded. The fanaticism they evinced, when they underwent the punishment due to their atrocious deeds, proved that their poniards had been directed by their barbarous priests.

This lesson, which might have been still more fatal had the Lesghis been more numerous, and less rash by neglecting to seize on the arms, which are symmetrically placed near the entrance, cost the regiment more than sixty men killed or dangerously wounded; but it produced the extraordinary vigilance which was observable at the time of my arrival at the cantonment, and which one night occasioned the death of a new enemy. A sentry seeing something gently approaching towards him, challenged the object, and observing that it continued advancing without vouchsafing him an answer, immediately fired and effectually arrested its progress. When the patrol repaired to the spot they found that the intruder was a tiger, then in its last agonies.

Opposite to our encampment, on the other side of the Alazann, and at a distance of eighteen or twenty versts, is the city of Belohakan [Balakən], situated at the foot of the Caucasus, and inhabited by the Eingalos [Ingilos], a people whom the Lesghis keep in the most horrible state of slavery, and who formerly belonged to Georgia; but who being too industrious, and attached to their native soil, would never abandon it, during the different revolutions which that country has undergone, and became subject to their present masters. That city carries on a great trade with Tiflis, principally in bourkas, which are manufactured there; and as the traders pass through Karakhach, our colonel, who was the commandant of this district, and from whom they must obtain a passport for Georgia, was obliged to have near him an Eingalo [Ingilo], who understood the Russian language, and served as interpreter. This man had become so familiarized with the officers, that the colonel allowed him to sit at our table. One day we remarked that the interpreter was absent, a circumstance which seldom occurred ; but, as we were finishing our dessert, he entered the dining-room in high spirits, bringing under his arm a bundle, carefully tied, which, he said, contained a fine water melon for our dessert. This fruit, in the middle of December, is considered a great delicacy, and we all expressed a wish that he should produce it, when he immediately untied the bundle, and, to our great horror, we beheld the head of a Lesghi, whom he had killed in fight on the other side of the Alazann during a sporting expedition, roll on the table. Disgusted at this action, which among these barbarous mountaineers would pass as an excellent joke, we all rose from table, and retired to another apartment, whilst the Eingalo [Ingilo] sat down to dinner, and, at every mouthful he took, amused himself with turning the head, which he kept close to his plate, first one way and then another.

Much is said in Europe of the knout, which, it is asserted, a Russian chief frequently applies to his officers. I shall not attempt here to investigate the origin of this opinion, which is often supported with open malice, but merely confine myself to state a fact among the many which every day occur.

Colonel Klimonskoi being displeased with a certain officer of our corps, struck him in the presence of several of his comrades. The outraged officer withdrew; and on the following morning the colonel, seeing him enter the breakfast-room, advanced towards him, and, taking him aside, manifested a wish to give him the satisfaction due to a comrade. The officer, whose character was not of the firmest, understood these words, and immediately declared himself satisfied. All his comrades, who had hitherto maintained that reserve which the affair required, freely gave their opinion ; and from that moment the officer was so greatly despised by all, that he could no longer appear at the same table, and was obliged to remain in his own apartment under the pretext of illness, until the general-in-chief granted the petition which this unfortunate young man addressed to him, for permission to retire from the service, under the usual plea of ill-health.

Some time after this an occurrence similar to the above took place between two officers of different ranks. The inferior officer demanded a satisfaction; blood was spilt; the affront was washed away and the chief and the subordinate became good friends. Indeed, the tolerance with which dueling is looked upon in a nation wholly military, is in itself a guarantee to officers of an inferior rank to be respected by their superiors, since these cannot offer them an affront with impunity. Often, however, the opinions on this subject, among this class of people in Russia, are even chivalrous.

Alexander Yakubovich
(by N. Bestuzhev, 1831)

There was in my regiment an officer whose name was Yakouwovitch [Alexander Yakubovich, the future Decembrist], and who, while he was serving in one of the regiments of the guards [Lige Guard Uhlan Regiment], at St. Petersburg, in the year 1816 or 1817, was invited by one of his friends to act as his second in a duel, in which the former fell, as it is thought, by unfair means. Yakouwovitch, who felt bound to avenge the death of his friend, challenged the assassin, who, to avoid this second affair, contrived a court intrigue, by which Yakouwovitch was immediately dismissed from the guards, and sent, without promotion, to a regiment [Nizhegorodskii Dragoon Regiment] in Georgia, accompanied by a courier. On his arrival at Moscow, he wrote to his adversary, and also to this man's second, again demanding a satisfaction. The former paid no attention to this fresh challenge; but the latter, struck with this manly conduct, accepted the challenge, though the duel was to be fought on the frontiers of Persia. The young Grivaiedoff [Alexander Griboedov], who thus gallantly came forward, was a counsellor of state, and held a post in the foreign office. To the no small astonishment of the ministry, he asked to be employed in the Persian legation; but having obtained the situation of secretary to it, immediately set off for his place of destination, informing Yakouwovitch, whom he believed to be at Tiflis, of his journey, and who received his letter at Karakhach. Having asked the necessary permission, the latter repaired to that city, where he met his opponent, and where they fought with pistols, as is customary; but on the seconds having interfered, after the first firing, the affair did not terminate so fatally as was feared from the nature of the affront. Yakouwovitch returned to his post at Karakhach, and Grivaiedoff, wounded, continued his journey to Tauris [Tabriz], whilst the aggressor remained tranquil at St. Petersburg.

Hunting was at Karakhach the amusement of most of the officers on festival days; but we were obliged to take certain precautions that we might not be hunted instead of hunting. All kinds of game were so abundant in these environs, (where wild goats are still very numerous,) that the six hunters, whom the colonel kept constantly employed in this occupation, furnished so much game to the cantonment, that frequently no other meats were provided than those absolutely required for the service of the hospital.

The natural attachment of my comrades to the customs of their country, induced them to keep the carnival in the fashion of Russia, though of course on a very small scale. Thus, during the short time that the temperature allowed of this kind of amusement, we had Russian mountains, skating, and courses in sledges. In the evening we took tea, and punch was freely served, with pipes of Turkish tobacco, whilst chess and cards, enlivened by the music of the regiment, formed the usual diversion of the winter evenings. The wife of the chaplain of our regiment was the only lady at Karakhach; but the retirement in which she lived deprived us of her company. Her husband, however, who was still young, and whose character and conduct rendered him an object of general esteem, was the ornament of our parties ; a circumstance which was the more highly valued by us, as it is by no means common among the military Russian clergymen. But, indeed, I have known few men more worthy of the respect and friendship which we all, without distinction of religion, felt for him, his tolerance being not the least of his virtues.

I cannot say as much of the doctor, who, without the unremitting cares and attendance of the officers on their sick soldiers, would, after two autumns, have made of Karakhach a vast cemetery. Indeed, the want of good doctors is very much felt in the army of the Caucasus; and this can be attributed only to the negligence of the government at St. Petersburg; a negligence which is the more blamable, as in this part of the empire the soldiers are very subject to sickness. Our corps, like all the others in Russia, furnished men every year to the imperial guard, who were replaced by the conscripts, who are periodically raised throughout the empire. But such was the gross ignorance of the three doctors entrusted with the care of our hospital, (which by the disinterestedness of the colonel, and the affection of the officers for the soldiers, might in every respect serve as a model to any in Russia,) that when they were allowed to act according to their own judgment, three parts of those conscripts fell victims to the fevers prevalent in the country.

Thus the officers and soldiers of the regiment stationed at Karakhach spent most of the time which was not employed in their military duties in acts of friendship and benevolence; constantly struggling with assassins, and surrounded with wild beasts, serpents, scorpions, and swarms of insects, by which we were tormented in our beds, and which disappeared only during the winter season; our knowledge of the events that were passing in the world being confined to the slight information contained in the prikaz [order] which was every week sent from St. Petersburg, and which arrived with more or less regularity, according to the practicability of the passage of couriers through the chain of the mountains.

In the midst of this kind of exile, supportable only because with a military philosophy we all endeavored to overcome the crosses and ennui incident to this kind of life, I received, towards the latter end of February, 1820, the first intelligence from my exiled friends. The circumstance of its probably being the first Spanish letter which has ever been received at the Caucasus, and the person (General Mina) by whom it was written, appear to me worthy of mention here.

The spring beginning now to be felt at Karakhach, the regiment prepared to leave this part of the country, to establish in the month of May their summer encampment at Tzarskoie, which is situated on the high lands forming a continuation of the Signachsk hills, and which is twelve versts distant from Karakhach. This place is well provided with good water, and considered the most salubrious in the environs.

The arrival of General [Alexey] Yermolow at Tiflis, together with the inactivity in which the regiment was likely to remain at Tzarskoie, and my desire to render myself useful during the summer, induced me to ask permission from the general-in-chief to proceed to the capital. Having obtained it, I set off from Karakhach on the 20th of March, accompanied by some officers of the regiment, who were also proceeding to the capital. On our second day's journey we passed through the German colonies, which are within five versts of the capital. These colonists, who are natives of Wurttemberg, were sent into Georgia through the influence of the empress mother [Maria Feodorovna, nee Sophie Dorothea of Wurttemberg], who wished to relieve the misery of the indigent class of her native country. Their proximity to Tiflis enables them to furnish the market with butter, hams, potatoes, and other vegetables which were before unknown to the Georgians. The houses built for them by the government are well adapted to the climate; whilst the protection which they meet, both from the authorities and from those Germans employed in the country, contribute much to their prosperity.

We arrived early on the 5th of April at Tiflis, where my friend the Baron Renempkamph again invited me to take up my quarters at his house. Having immediately presented myself to General Yermolow, and expressed a wish of rendering myself useful during the summer out of my regiment, studiously concealing from him the real state of my health, which was still in a most deplorable state, I obtained the only favour he had in his power to grant, namely, my remaining at Tiflis near his person until an opportunity should offer.