John Bellows, Letters from Tiflis (1892) - Part 1

John T. Bellows (1831-1902) was a British printer and lexicographer. Born into a Quaker family in Cornwall, he was home schooled and trained to become a printer. After completing apprenticeship, he worked at printing businesses in London and Gloucester. Before long, he established a successful printing business. A man of keen intellect, Bellows corresponded with many contemporary intellectuals and demonstrated considerable talents in a variety of fields. Starting in 1870s he frequently travelled across Europe, North America and the Middle East. In the early 1890s Bellows visited the Russian Empire, where he struck a lasting friendship with the famed Russian writer Leo Tolstoy. In December 1892, he crossed the Caucasus and reached Tiflis, where he spent several memorable days as recounted in letters to his wife, who had compiled and published them after his death in 1905.

Tiflis, 31 December 1892. 

Here I am continually reminded of the line in Tasso, where the knight is about to fell the enchanted myrtle - "At every strange new turn some strange new wonder sees' - and it is impossible for my pen to overtake the impressions that follow one another in such rapid succession in this marvelous Eastern city! The sights and sounds and suggestions of the walk through the Armenian and Persian bazaars yesterday afternoon, kept me awake for most of the night. 

The sunbeams of summer are shining on me as I write, for it is a lovely summer day and nothing less. I hope and believe summer days are near at hand for the dear people here in bonds, after their long and sore winter. They have some of them given up all hope for this life; but the Master for whom they have suffered the loss of all things will not fail of His promise, even in this life!"

Tiflis, 3 January 1893

The strangest of all sights in Tiflis are the bazaars. Turning down the street of silversmiths, if one stops a moment to look at a bit of filigree-work, a pane pops open and out comes the silversmith's head within six inches of one's own, with 'Pazhalst' [Pozhailusta, Russian "Come in, please"] They ask about two or three times the price of the articles they sell: gradually coming down. The last bid of the customer is declined as an impossible and utterly unreasonable thing—then the customer takes his leave: and just as he reaches the next door, the man peeps out and says in a resigned-to-the-will-of-Allah tone, 'Pazhalst' (Please take it at that figure ! )

No sooner are we past the silver-workers, than the Jews are at their doors—or rather at their fronts, for there are no doors except where valuables have to be protected—trying to sell me a paletot, inasmuch as the day being warm I am in my ordinary coat only. A maker of bright weapons and tambourines on the opposite side, has caught [Bellow's companion] Joseph Neave's eye, and is gesticulating and earnest to sell him a 24-inch dagger, touching the edge with his thumb to hint its keenness! Presently we come upon an old man in a chimney-pot. 'Why, that's a European hat!' says Joseph Neave to me, in surprise. The wearer, who is a Jew, takes it off at once and bows to J. N. with a speech in a humble tone which we do not understand. I can only guess that he has taken our friend for some Russian official who is offended at his want of respect, and that the poor man is assuring his High Excellency that he had not seen him, or would instantly have shown him that reverence which is his due! Blacksmiths' shops with the smiths sitting down comfortably at their work, confectioners, fruit-dealers, grocers— all in the open air, green-grocer fashion — offer their attractions, but are not over-pressing. At a dried fruit place I note lumps of chalk in a pan — as big as hens' eggs. 'Ask what that is for,' I say to Fast, who interprets accordingly. 'It is milk!' 'Milk! what animal's milk is it?' 'It is the milk of cows, dried. Would the Gospodin like to buy some?' The Gospodin says 'Niet! with such energy that the question is not repeated.

We cross the narrow street, hopping from one high cobble to another. A horse passes, with two disgustinglooking greeny wet skins distended: each skin squirting a fine spray of water about a yard long, at anyone who has a mind to get in the way. As for Joseph Neave, I don't know what he is doing. I back out of the horse's track, getting out of tune with Eastern manners and customs; or rather customs, for of manners there is not the faintest trace!

Recollect that the street is very narrow—the shape of one's forefinger in the act of beckoning: that a steep by-street like one of the back lanes in Falmouth, comes into it at the knuckle : that the width of each street varies with every house: that no house or anything else in the place is square: that the pavement is two feet wide in some parts and three in others—reduced to ten inches by all sorts of obstructions, and that to keep hopping up and down from it to avoid these, means getting in the way of people who stand from one to two feet lower; for the path goes up and down at every yard! Look at this woman coming with the baby! Decide in one moment whether to have that baby rubbed against one's coat with all but the certainty that it has the measles; or step off into that pool of liquid mud!

"Ding, ding, ding," I heard at a little distance, but paid no attention to it—for seven donkeys had come round the corner laden with charcoal, and so laden that each donkey formed a sort of imitation camel. As these animals have no idea of method, they spread all across the street in loose marching order, one of them putting me to the instant alternative of letting him charcoal my coat on the left, or else of my rubbing it on the right against the bloody neck of a sheep whose carcase swung pendulum-wise from a butcher's shop. By a sharp skip I avoided both Scylla and Charybdis, and then stepped into a shop space to let a blind man pass, who being stout of person took up the available foot-path—vaguely extending his hands on each side in advance of him, and holding his forehead back to catch, it might be, some gleam of the blessed light of which in this bazaar there was none too much for those who had eyes. A rogue of a boy (all boys are rogues) gave him a bump for the pleasure of seeing him waggle—which he did, and then recovered his balance. Two dromedaries at this instant hove in sight, carrying, as I thought, the stock-in-trade of a rag-merchant. Like the donkeys, they were lacking in their order of march; going skew-wise, and justifying their title of 'the ship of the desert' by rolling about as if they were at sea. Instantly an angry shouting and clang of bell came from behind. I turned, and there was a tram-car swinging round the corner, loaded with Armenians, Turks, ladies, officers, and I know not what besides, all nearly brought to a dead stand by the dromedaries, which looked scared out of their wits, and which were hauled out of the way with guttural objurgations I could not follow. The fact was that the mud had so hidden the tram line that I had no idea there was one there at all!

Of the bakers' shops I have no space to speak, but I hope to tell you some very interesting things about them when I get home. Also about decayed fish! One thing I note in the fruitshops is very large boxes of walnuts—I think 1 cwt. each — already shelled! As they use no machinery for cracking them, I would rather not buy them so!

This morning J. J. Neave and I took a short walk up the hill in front of the hotel to the little chapel that stands so picturesquely in the steep side of it. The view thence of the city is very striking. As we look down on the sea of roofs, we note a singular commingling of red and green; for a great many of them are painted a pale verdigris green. This I have no doubt is an imitation of the actual verdigris when roofs of public buildings were really made of copper. There are mines of the metal in the district, and I hope we may come across some of them.

One singular thing here is the use of the long Cornish shovel! Directly after the tram-car and dromedaries had got out of the part of the bazaar I describe, one of the shopkeepers came out to remove some of the mud from before his own premises. This he did by shovelling it with one of these long-hilted shovels, over to his neighbours' parts of the street, right and left! In the process a cobble came up on the shovel—displaced by one of the tram-horses or dromedaries or donkeys: a stone four or five lbs. in weight. He hurled it across the street to be rid of it, and it struck the margin of the footpath close by me.

I could not help thinking, several times, that might fill a large book here with designs of fretwork, etc. from the balconies! They are exceedingly pretty. In summer in the best houses some of these balconies are curtained; and they must be very pleasant as a change from indoors.

Tell the children I saw a grand sight this morning: an eagle sailing down from the Caucasus mountains over the city of Tiflis. He might have been a quarter of a mile off, at an angle : not perpendicularly above us. He looked as if his wings spread out five feet or so, but of course I could not say exactly what the span was. He would give five slow heaves with his pinions, and that sailed him on for a long distance—then five or six beats more—and a slow wheeling round as if he were making a curve to see what was worth while swooping on below. He would be sure not to swoop in the city however; and we passed behind some tall buildings, and lost sight of him as he was nearly over the Eastern or Asian Gate. He was by far the largest bird I have ever seen on the wing. It was a grand and beautiful sight!"

Jacob Peeters - View of Tiflis (1690)

View of Tiflis (Teflis/Tbilisi), 1690, from Jacob Peeters, Description des principales villes, havres et isles du golfe de Venise du coté oriental. Comme aussi des villes et forteresses de la Moree, et quelques places de la Grèce et des isles principales de l'archipel et forteresses d'jcelles et en suitte quelques places renommées de la Terre Saincte, et autres dessous la domination ottomanne vers le midy et l'orient, et quelques principales villes en Perse et le regne du Grand Mogol le tout en abregé. Mis en lumiere par Jacques Peeters, Antwerp, Sur le marché des vieux Souliers, [1690?].

(Click to enlarge)

Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 3

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. The third part of the letter describes the fates of King Teimuraz of Kakheti and his mother Queen Ketevan, and provides a general overview of situation in Western Georgia.

For this translation, I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

After wandering for several days in the territories of the other Princes of Georgia, [Teimuraz] at last withdrew to the Turks, among whom he latterly continued to dwell, receiving from the Grand Signor [Ottoman sultan], as I was informed, the government of the city of Cogni, with some lands in Cappadocia, inhabited principally by Christians of the Greek church, the revenue from which government serves for his support. He has continually endeavored and still seeks to be revenged on the [Shah] of Persia. It was he who, in 1618, was the instigation of that great army of the Turks and Tatars penetrating into Persia, in which expedition he accompanied it. This army made greater progress into Persia than any one had ever done before, almost reaching Ardabil, a sanctuary of the Persians, and the place of sepulture of the reigning dynasty of that country, which Teimuraz was ardently desirous of destroying, to avenge himself for the destruction of the churches in Georgia. In this war, the most perilous of any in which Abbas was ever engaged, I accompanied him. The Turks, however, from bad conduct, want of skill and courage, did not reap the advantage they might have done upon the occasion, and finally concluded, as is commonly the case with them, by gaining nothing; nay, their retreat indeed resembled a flight, a number of their men being cut off, which caused the Persian to return to court in triumph, while Teimuraz returned to his province. Since then he has remained quiet, waiting a more opportune moment, which, at the farthest, must occur on the death of Abbas, whom he has every chance of surviving, being much the younger of the two, and of which he is secure, owing to the disappointment these Georgians have experienced in their expectations, who apostatized in Persia after their treachery to Teimuraz; the [Shah] not having requited them as they wished, nor treating them any longer with the same kindness he did before they became his vassals, nor in matters of religion acting as they expected, receiving none into his service, nor affording to any one, whether noble or a soldier, the least assistance, other than on condition of turning a Mahometan. 

For these reasons the Georgians look on him with disgust and repent their conduct, so much so even, that they exclaim openly they have been deceived and that if the past could be recalled, they would act differently. Hence, I doubt not, although Abbas, as a prudent and much dreaded Sovereign, may be able to maintain his ground as long as he lives, that upon his death (as is always the case in Persia) the sword will be drawn at his funeral; provided the Georgians retain their present disposition and become united and [if] they have a leader possessed of abilities, Teimuraz by their assistance may eventually effect great things in Persia, nay possibly assume the succession: against this, there is but the natural temper of his people, fickle and prone to change. Nor will it any ways surprise me, if the dominions of Luarsab should again become subject to some Christian Prince, either by the abjuration of Mahometanism [Islam] on the part of the present governor, or by the people deposing him and placing some Christian on the throne, similar revolutions not being unusual in Georgia.

The Princess Ketevan, the mother of Teimuraz, was, as I have noticed before, sent to Shiraz with her two grand-children. While I was there she resided still in that city, and was treated with great respect. She, with all her family, consisting of a number of male and female attendants, remained firmly attached to the faith of Christ, observing all the duties of religion as well as she was able; but at that time she had no priest with her, or any regular minister of her country to fulfill its duties. On this account, one of her attendants officiated, attached, as I conceive, to the church by some degree, as he was a good Christian, and being looked upon as such by the Muslims [Mores], they were solicitous of removing him; for which purpose they accused him of some weighty crime, and with the help of false witnesses to prove it, put him to death, burning him alive at Shiraz. He met death with constancy, firm in his faith and bearing his fate with resignation. As for the other clerk she had with her when I was there, he managed the whole affairs of the household as an intendant, and was rather a courtier than a priest; and, whether owing to ignorance or any other cause I know not, he never said mass. She had with her, moreover, a monk, but merely a novice of his order, and a lay brother, who was of no service. As, however, the Carmelites and Augustin friars have now a convent and a church at Shiraz, I doubt not they will have afforded consolation to the Princess, and preserve her steady in the faith, particularly as they were never wanting while I was there in rendering her assistance in temporal matters, as long as she lived. 

I say as long as she lived, for in passing through Bassora some months ago, I received news of the death of this Princess on 22 September 1624. She suffered martyrdom in a most cruel and glorious manner in the city of Shiraz, by order of the [Shah Abbas] of Persia, on account of her persistence in the [Christian] faith. I am ignorant whether they [Persians] were solicitous of forcing a renunciation upon her, and can say nothing of the particulars; for them I refer to the memoirs of Father Gregory Orsini, a Dominican, the vicar general of Armenia, who in his travels passed through Persia shortly before me, at a time this newly happened, and gave a relation of the circumstance. This Father was at Bassora when I met him, and heard of [Ketevan’s martyrdom] from his mouth, and thence he afterwards brought a minute detail of the matter with him to Rome. As for the grand-children of this princess, the one called Levan, the other Alexander, they were brought up by the [Shah], who never allowed them to see their grandmother, as he educated them in Islam, lest she should convert them, notwithstanding they resided in the same city. The same year that Luarsab was put to death in prison, Abbas caused them both [boys] to be castrated, desirous of destroying in them, with all hopes of posterity, any desire they might conceive of returning to the country of their ancestors.

In my time, the grandmother [Queen Ketevan], not to hurt her feelings, was kept ignorant of this circumstance; and, on having occasion to see her domestics, they enjoined me the first thing not to mention it. Teimuraz has, however, other children by his second wife, boys as well as girls – God [Dieu] not allowing, possibly, that his family should be wholly extinct. When some months back I was at Aleppo, news had arrived there that Teimuraz, on account of being urged by the Turks to become a Muslim, had sought refuge in Muscovy with a Prince, who is a Christian and follows a Greek rite. Afterwards he attempted but fruitlessly through interference of the [Muscovite prince], who is on intimate terms with the [Shah] of Persia, to obtain the liberation of his mother. It was even said that this interference was the cause of Abbas insisting on her apostatizing, as in cafe of her turning Mahometan it would justify his refusal, or objecting would give a colour to his putting her to death. However this may be, the latent sparks of hatred in the breast of Teimuraz were kindled into a flame upon this new outrage [death of Ketevan], and, joined by the Muscovites, he breathed nothing but war and revenge. 

The [Muscovites], moved to pity and indignation at such an atrocity, provided him with aid, and taking his route through Circassia and by the Caucasian mountains, which lay between Georgia and Muscovy, this Prince re-entered Georgia, and not only in his own country but also in that of the murdered Luarsab had attacked the Persians with great hopes of success; the way being paved for him by a terrible slaughter of Mahometans, on the part of the fame Moura [Mouravi Giorgi Sakadze], chief of the Georgians, and a renegade, who, as I have before related, was the first instigator of all their calamities, and governed this country for the young Prince, in the hands of the [Shah] of Persia. Moura at length becoming suspected by Abbas, from the great authority he possessed, the wily [Shah] intended to put him to death; this, however, being discovered by Moura, he repented his conduct to Luarsab, and forgave the injury he had received, already too amply revenged. It is said he has renounced [Islam] and made profession anew of Christianity; that, by a piece of artifice, he has destroyed several general officers belonging to the Persians, who had shortly before arrived in that country, and either dethroned or put to death the young Mahometan Prince. He is, it is further said, industriously employed in rendering Teimuraz sovereign of all those countries, and delivering his nation entirely from the tyranny of Persia, and the religion of its false prophet. This news, however, I do not give for fact, but relate it merely as it was current.

Notwithstanding the misfortune which, as I have related, befell Teimuraz and the murdered Luarsab, the dominions of the latter are on their old footing, still governed by a relative of his family, but a [Muslim] and a subject of Persia, unless the last mentioned news be true and it be relieved from his yoke. Teimuraz is still alive, although deprived of his dominions; his country and his children enslaved by Persia, his mother martyred, and part of his territories depopulated and laid waste. In short, hitherto he waits for what fortune or rather the Lord [Dieu] may have in store for him.

There are three other Georgian Princes, that is to say, of Imereti, Odishi [Mingrelia], and Guriel [Guria], who have constantly flourished and continue to do so, preserving their dominions in prosperity, without suffering from the Mahometans. The territories of the two Princes of Odishi and Guriel lay on the Black Sea, somewhat exposed indeed to attack from the naval power of the Turks; but possessing, in consequence of their position, the advantage of a considerable trade in silks and other articles with Constantinople and the whole of Greece. In order to keep friends with such powerful neighbors, and that they may have no molestation from them, they profess a dependence on Turkey, and by dint of presents and continual services manage to secure for themselves peace and tranquility. They, however, never admit the Turks into their country to assume command, nor allow a passage even for their army to any other part. On the contrary, they preserve such perfect liberty, that notwithstanding the Polish Cossacks, who dwell at the mouth of the Dnieper on the Black Sea, be constantly inimical to the Turks, and are ever injuring them, the Georgians nevertheless receive them as friends, being Christians, and intermarry with them; nay it is said that the king of Poland maintains a friendly intercourse and correspondence with them, and that vessels frequently traffic between the two countries, a circumstance likely to be of great consequence to the Georgians, the Cossacks at present being masters of the Black Sea, and very powerful; add to which, the king of Poland by means of this sea, in case of their being disturbed by the Persians or Turks, might render them assistance, and these again be of service to the Cossacks, the ports of the countries affording secure retreats to ships in their different expeditions. Moreover, it is not impossible that their position may in some future time be highly advantageous, should any great enterprise be undertaken hereafter by the Europeans against Constantinople, in facilitating an attack upon it by sea as well as by land.

As for the dominions of the Prince of Imereti, from their laying more in the heart of the country, farther distant from the Persians and Turks, and being well defended on all sides by mountains, rivers, and difficult passages, he is independent of either one or the other; outwardly he pretends friendship to both, at the same time mistrusting each, and admitting neither one nor the other to march their armies through his territories. In this he shows his policy, as either, on account of difference of religion, would ruin him if he could: for the [Muslims], notwithstanding they profess and appear to be friendly to Christians under their government, never tolerate them except when induced by interest or necessity, and incapable of acting otherwise; for ultimately they have alwaus ended in exterminating them, as the case with the Greeks of Constantinople, of more recent date with the late kings of Hungary, and in various other instances known to all the world.

After thus having rendered a full account of the temporal condition of Georgia as I found it, I shall now speak of the spiritual. The Georgians at a very early period embraced the faith of Christ, to which they were converted by a foreign female slave [St. Nino], about the year 330. By this slave many great miracles are said to have been performed; her name, however, is unknown, even to the inhabitants of the country, notwithstanding they have retained her history; her only denomination in our martyrology being that of Sainte Servante Chrétienne. From the Greeks, I believe, they first received the faith in the time of the Emperors of Constantinople, and in consequence adopted the Greek ceremonies; those they now observe. The [ceremonies] of the church are performed in their own language, which is written in two sorts of characters, the one called Cudsuri [khutsuro], used in churches and for their sacred books, the other Chedroli [Mkhedruli], for common use; and although this be not the character of the church, the holy books are nevertheless written in it [Mkhedruli script] for the benefit of seculars. The Georgians have constantly followed the tenets and rituals of the Greek church, and possibly are yet involved in its errors. Among the Greeks, indeed, these are less numerous than in the other of the eastern churches, and the Georgians admit even fewer possibly than the Greeks; but as they form a nation little devoted to study, arms being their chief occupation, they are consequently ignorant, and but few among them pay attention to these matters, living like good Christians in the faith. As, however, there are some of their country much more devoted than the Greeks to the examination of their own books, it follows, that one meets with an invincible ignorance [of Christianity] in them, which is excusable. Moreover, being uninformed of the latter [church] councils, after the holding of which the Greeks still retained certain errors from which the Georgians continue free, (as is justly remarked by Baronius in his Martyrology, and Gabriel Prateolus in his Catalogue alphabetique des Heretiques, they stand more justified for those to which they adhere than the Greeks. In addition to this, they are free from the presumption of the Greeks with respect to the supremacy of the church; and even though they acknowledge the Patriarch of Constantinople in certain matters, they are not subject to him appointing their metropolitan among themselves, nor suffering any jurisdiction on his part over their church. They have likewise a great respect for Rome, St. Peter and St. Paul, much reverence for the Pope, and are void of that aversion entertained by the Greeks to supremacy. The [Georgians] are neither proud, perverse, nor hypocritical; neither are they deceitful in their treaties like the Greeks, but, on the contrary, mild, docile, honest, simple, and so easy to be deceived, that, as I have before related, they owe to this the whole of the misfortunes which have befallen them from the Mahometans. In addition, they are subject to Christian Princes, maintain a republic, and possess a government that is well arranged for temporal and spiritual affairs, a matter of chief importance, seeing that those nations which have not any chief, nor any established form of government in the East, are made subject to infidel sovereigns, who at bottom are the enemies of all Christians. With such how is a general union possible? What councils for the purpose can there be assembled? And in case of a synod, what resolutions could there be adopted? Or who, on their being drafted, would observe them? And, slaves as they are, might not any difference which should follow, might not calumny afford a pretext to the Mahometans to destroy them, and persecute the whole body of Christians under their dominion? But all this is possible among the Georgians, on account of their possessing a regular government, a religion and a king of their own nation, ruling with despotic sway according to the manner of the East; nor is there a doubt but great advantage would result from such an undertaking, provided it were zealously begun, and the inhabitants were instructed by competent persons acquainted with their language; although, for what cause I know not, while the Holy See has employed itself zealously for the reunion of the rest of Christians in the East, and has been lavish of expense to reclaim and reunite the Greeks and other nations, it has hitherto paid no attention to the Georgians, who are not more distantly situated, nor more inaccessible than the others, nor less dear to God, nor less deserving of the care of the Roman Church. This consideration has prompted me, acquainted as I am with their affairs, and strongly attached to them, as well spiritually as by the ties of friendship subsisting between myself and many persons belonging to that country, to represent this matter to you, and implore Your Holiness in the most pressing manner to exercise your wisdom in helping them; for the fewer errors to which they may hereafter be subject, the greater the merit which Your Holiness will evince in the eyes of God, and the more brilliant your glory before man.

In order, however, that Your Holiness may not be ignorant of the means by which this is to be effected, and the ways by which help may be sent, I have to inform you that there are three.

The first and shortest is by Constantinople, whence one may travel to that country by land, passing from Scutaria into Asia in safety with caravans, or companies of merchants, who are constantly going thither through Trebizond, and finish the journey in a month; but much more easily and by a shorter course by sea; the transit seldom taking up more than from five to eight days. The most fit persons for such an enterprise would be the Jesuits, the Dominican friars, and the Franciscans, who have a convent there and a church; but especially the Jesuits, on account of its being their peculiar province to devote themselves to the spiritual health of their neighbor, to instruct and establish colleges and schools, which, as is evinced by experience, is the best and most excellent of all methods. However, in passing from Constantinople into Georgia, I conceive there may exist some difficulty, owing to the objection of the Turks to people of our religion entering that country, particularly if known to be monks or priests; nevertheless, I have no doubt, but individuals possessed of prudence and a knowledge of Turkey, at the same time familiar with the languages, by assuming a different dress, and simulating the character of a merchant, or some other avocation, may travel thither with little danger of discovery, going in small numbers and at different periods.

The second way is by Persia, and much easier, by accompanying the Cafila, or caravan of merchants, first to the dominions of Luarsab, at present subject to the Persians, and thence to the other and all of the states of Georgia. For this purpose, from that quarter the Portuguese Augustins might be dispatched, who have churches in Persia, or more properly the Carmelites; as well as that in their abstinence from meat they much resemble the oriental friars, as that from the austerity of their mode of life, they would have more influence upon the monks and prelates of the country and afford a more excellent example for the people. They would have greater facility in their enterprise from the late martyrdom of the Princess Ketevan at Shiraz, whose body is laid to be interred in the convent of the Augustins, through the means of the relations of the metropolitan Allahverdi, and several others of the chief of the Georgians, with whom I have formed an intimacy. In this case it would be requisite I should accompany them; and that everything should be conducted with the greatest caution, secrecy, and prudence, that the [Shah] of Persia might have no suspicion of any other design intended under this cover, which might expose the adventurers to much injury, as well as the Georgians themselves.

The third and last course is by the way of Poland. From the extremities of this kingdom one may readily reach the Black Sea, and thence in a very few days arrive in Georgia. This voyage may also be completed by descending the Dnieper, passing by Kiovie [Kiev], said, to be the Tomos of Pontus, whither Ovid was banished. In Poland there would be no want of monks for this purpose either among the Jesuits, Dominicans, or Carmelite friars, all of whom have convents in that country; nor would the furtherance of the plan on the part of the king be wanting, so good a Catholic and so pious as he is; nay, we should meet with assistance from his vassals the Cossacks, through whose means missionaries might enter Georgia in perfect security, with a bishop, even nuncio or ambassador, if necessary. The Russians also in Poland might be of some avail, as following hitherto the Greek ritual; although some among them be Roman Catholics, they might be instrumental in inducing them to persevere in the Catholic faith, and would set them a valuable example. 

But Your Holiness who, separate from your consummate wisdom, are moreover inspired by the Holy Spirit, will readily discover many other and preferable methods to what I can point out. I, therefore, beseech you to accept this account, containing the summary of all the information I possess, as a testimonial of my reverence for the Holy See, and zeal for the propagation of the religion and the service of Christ; with which I conclude j most humbly kissing Your Holiness's feet.

Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 2

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. The second part of the letter describes the fates of Kings Teimuraz of Kakheti and Luarsab of Kartli as well as the devastating Persian invasion, led by Shah Abbas I, of Kakheti in 1614-1616 that resulted in more than one hundred thousand Georgians being deported to the Safavid realm. 

For this translation, I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

In the present age, either as a punishment for their sins, or otherwise by permission of the Most High, the Georgians have been sorely oppressed; and that, more than to any other cause, owing to their disorganization and feuds: hence, notwithstanding they yet have considerable power, they have lost a great part of that they formerly possessed. For, of the six Princes which I have described, one descended from their ancient [Shah]s, whose dominions bordered on Armenia and Cappadocia in the neighborhood of Tabril and the confines of Media, and who served against his will, at one time in the armies of the Turks, at another in those of Persia, in their continual wars, had his territories by degrees incorporated with those of the Turks, who finally seized upon the whole of them, under the vain pretext of his being the fomenter of these troubles. I am told that there yet exists a young Prince of his family who lives at the court of the Grand Seignior [Ottoman sultan], soliciting there in vain, as an indemnification for the dominions ravished from him, the government of some province.

Shah Abbas of Persia

Of late years, upon a fresh war breaking out between the Persians and Turks, shortly before my travelling into Persia, two other Georgian Princes of the ancient royal house were spoiled of their principalities; and, although not utterly ruined, were reduced to a wretched condition. Possibly, however, some new revolution, which is not unlikely to happen, may reinstate them. These two Sovereigns are the Princes Teimuraz and Luarsab, both whom, their territories lying on the frontiers of Persia, were in measure dependent on that empire. The greater part of the Princes of Georgia even were accustomed to receive their education at the court of that power, and these two latter passed several years of their infancy there. In the war of which I speak, while peace was negotiating between the Persians and Turks whilst yet the armies of either power were in presence of each other, and while, whom these Princes depended on was yet under discussion, each claiming them as his vassals, the [Shah Abbas I] of Persia affirmed to the Turkish ambassador that they constantly owned allegiance to him, and that as a proof they waited on him in his camp as often as required. The ambassador, who would not allow his claim, answered, that if they were thus submissive, it might be proved by his summoning them at the instant.

Upon this the [Shah] summoned them, but these Princes, seeing the Turkish army so close upon them, were fearful of declaring themselves, and prevaricated first with one then with the other, excusing themselves handsomely towards the Persians, but refusing to enter their camp. This piqued the Persian exceedingly, and brought him into a degree of disrepute among the Turks; he, however, dissembled his resentment at the instant, as he could do no other; but after the Peace was concluded and the Ottoman army withdrawn, he, by his usual intrigues, managed to effect a disunion between Luarsab and Teimuraz, such even as almost to engage them to resort to arms, notwithstanding their affinity, for Teimuraz had espoused as a second wife the sister of Luarsab; extremities, however, were prevented, while their two armies were on foot, by the interposition of certain noblemen, their vassals, who represented to and satisfied them of the division being fomented by the [Shah] of Persia, for the purpose of ruining both. Upon looking into the intrigue, they discovered that this [Shah] had secretly conveyed a letter or order to either, couched in the selfsame terms, exhorting each to attack, make away with the other, and seize upon his dominions, in which attempt he pledged to succor him, and maintain him in possession of the territories he should conquer: professing to each he addressed the strongest friendship and the greatest aversion to his adversary, on many accounts which he suggested. Notwithstanding this elucidation, so easy of deception is this nation, it failed to put them on their guard, or teach them wisdom.

In addition to this, the [Shah] fomented discord between Teimuraz and his mother, or at least excited mistrust. This princess, called Ketevan Dedopali, or Queen Ketevan, possessed great abilities, was of exemplary conduct, related to Luarsab, and being a widow, had governed the state for years during the minority of Teimuraz, and had valiantly defended it against her cousin Constantine Mensa, a Mahometan  [Muslim] Prince, who, upon the death of her husband, Daud, the brother of Constantine, had mercilessly and cruelly massacred her old father Alexander [King of Kakhetia in 1605 at Dzegami]. After him another brother attempted an invasion of the state, and would have succeeded but for her giving him battle, defeating him, and putting him to death, together with a number of persons who supported him. Upon these several accounts she was exceedingly esteemed and loved by the people. The [Shah] of Persia, to excite mistrust in the mind of Teimuraz, insinuated that his mother intended to marry a certain officer, whom, for his valour and prudence, she had employed in different departments of the government; and that in such case, she would contrive the ruin of Teimuraz for the purpose of securing the principality to the children she might have by her second husband.

Teimuraz nourishing this idea, and ignorant of the snare laid for him, put this officer, the best stay of his country, to death, and withdrew all authority from his mother; afterwards this young man, unexperienced and not beloved by his nobility, found himself encircled with trouble. For the [Shah] of Persia excited fresh discontent in the state, and rendered him contemptible in the eyes of the nobles on account of his being a child, treating them on their visits to Persia with the greatest distinction and familiarity, making them considerable presents, and in everything which regarded their religion, admitting perfect toleration; so that by degrees they became attached to this monarch, weaned of their affection for their natural sovereign, and esteemed as the height of felicity their having him for lord.

Teimuraz I and his wife Khoreshan.
A sketch from the album
of Roman Catholic missionary
Cristoforo Castelli

After employing such artifices for some time, the [Shah] of Persia, in 1613, fell all at once upon Georgia with a large army, under pretense of Teimuraz having married the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan], sister of Luarsab [King of Kartli], who had previously been promised to him. Wherefore, on his arrival upon the frontiers of the dominions of Luarsab and Teimuraz, he ordered these two Princes to come to his camp, to render account of this and bring him the bride, stating his firm resolution of possessing her, and insisting on the dissolution of her marriage with Teimuraz, which already had been consummated; as if such a practice were allowable with the Christians as with the Mahometans [Muslims].

The Georgian Princes were astonished at this unexpected summons, and what augmented their confusion was the treachery of a number of noblemen, who afforded a free passage to the troops of Persia, and introduced them into the heart of the country; into which, without this perfidy, from the natural fortifications which surround it, and its difficult passes, it would have been impossible for him to have penetrated. These Princes, exceedingly perplexed, knew not what measures to adopt, and Luarsab, resolving on obedience, surrendered himself, and was sent by the Persian [shah] into the province of Astarabad [Gorgan], on the Caspian Sea, a considerable distance from Georgia, where he was placed under the care of the khan of that province, and treated rather as a guest than a prisoner, being allowed to go wherever he chose. The [Shah] of Persia did not cause any devastation upon entering the territories of Luarsab, but established there as a governor a certain Riarei, or Bagrat Mirza [son of King David XI], either an uncle or cousin of Luarsab, who had some years before turned Muslim in Persia. He had a son [Simon II/Semayun Khan] who was a Muslem as well as his father, but born in this religion, who governed in that country when I was there, not indeed as a sovereign prince, but as a khan and vassal of the [Shah] of Persia, the better part of whose forces were commanded by officers of the Christian faith, which likewise was the religion of the chief part of his subjects.

After Luarsab had resided in this manner for some years in Astarabad, that he might be more secure of his person, the [Shah] of Persia caused him to be removed to Farsistan, or Persia Proper, one of the provinces the most distant from Georgia, where he was closely confined for some time in a fortress, at a short distance from the capital, called Shiraz. At last in 1621, or about that time, when his subjects had the greatest hopes of his liberation, and the [Shah] appeared most anxious to see and be favourable to him, exactly the reverse occurred. For this sovereign [Shah Abbas] all at once was disgusted with the Prince, in consequence of the revengeful insinuations of one Maura [Mouravi Giorgi Sakadze], a man of highest consideration among the Georgians, and very powerful, whose sister Luarsab had either promised to marry, or after marrying had repudiated, who persuaded the [Shah], with whom he was high in savour, that he never could maintain a secure and peaceable possession of the dominions of Luarsab as long as he lived; for being so well beloved by his people, they would constantly nourish hopes of seeing him again their sovereign, as long as he existed, their hearts and good-will being wholly his. Instigated by this motive, or else from the discovery of a conspiracy about this time among the Georgians to destroy him, [Shah Abbas] resolved on quashing their hopes, which, in case of any insurrection, might cause these people to appear in array against him, and caused Luarsab to be strangled in prison with the bow-string.

Teimuraz was more caudous, never trusting himself to the custody of the [Shah] of Persia, declaring when called upon, that he was apprehensive of his anger, as he was  offended; that it was impossible for him to part with his wife, as neither the Christian religion nor his own honour allowed him to give her up to another; but in order to satisfy [the shah] of his submission, he sent to him his own mother with his two unmarried sisters, and two young children, his offspring by the lady contested. This measure was adopted by Teimuraz under expectation that Princess [Queen] Ketevan, his mother, a woman of consummate ability, and who had several times before negotiated different affairs in Persia with the [Shah], with whose manner and disposition she was perfectly acquainted, would be able to appease that Monarch, and procure him peace. The measure, however, was fruitless, the [Shah] being inexorable, and appearing to be passionately attached to the Princess Chaurascian [Khoreshan] and well knowing that Teimuraz neither could nor would listen to the insolent proposal made to him of giving her up, he insisted on Teimuraz appearing before him. But as the Prince refused obedience, the [Shah] retained [Queen] Ketevan, and sent her, together with her children and grandchildren, to the city of Shiraz, where, when I was there, she was maintained with the respect due to her rank. After this the [Shah] of Persia entered Georgia with his army, that is to say the province of Kakheti, the realm of Teimuraz, which was made accessible by the treason of several nobles who sided with [the shah] in hopes of great rewards and opened to him the most difficult passages through the mountains.

Teimuraz perceiving his enemies all at once in the midst of his country, without any army on foot to oppose them, or time to raise one, was fearful of trusting himself to subjects whose fidelity he had full reason to suspect, and having no other resource, he, with his wife and a number of Georgians, who faithfully adhered to him, betook themselves to flight; first taking refuge in the more interior and strongest part of the country of Imereti, where this Prince first reigned, and afterwards flying to Odisci [Mingrelia], that is [the realm of the] Dadian.

Many noblemen under false hopes voluntarily submitted to the [Shah] of Persia, and apostatizing enrolled themselves under his banners. Others of more generous disposition, but who had no time to flee, were overcome by force. Thus the whole people, in immense numbers, became the prey of the the conqueror. The [Shah], upon his entrance into Georgia, after observing the natural strength of its fortifications, and reflecting on the injury to which he would be exposed from the inhabitants provided they should become united and under a good government, was not only undesirous of retaining the country, but conceived it best to withdraw thence the whole of his army as soon as possible. He was, however, unwilling to miss the advantage he obtained by the subjugation of such a numerous people, of infinitely greater value than the country itself; and duly weighing the desolation which would follow the entire depopulation of a whole province, he caused all the inhabitants, males as well as females, to leave their houses, noblemen as well as commoners [roturiers], young and old of all descriptions, causing them to take with them their most valuable effects, as many as they could, and placing them in front of his army, he marched them rapidly into his own dominions, afterwards distributing them among those provinces that farthest from Georgia and less populated. Hence the provinces of Kerman or Caramania, Mazanderan, on the Caspian Sea, and several others of that empire, are now principally inhabited by Georgians and Circassians, for a number of Circassians but a short time before, from a dearth of provisions in their own country, passed into that of Teimuraz, and became the vassals of this Prince in common with the Georgians, living and intermarrying with them. These, therefore, were treated in the same manner as the Georgians, and, alike dispersed over the different provinces of Persia, enjoy equal liberty with the other subjects of the crown. Although they are found in many other provinces, in Farsistan and Mazanderan, they are in such numbers that throughout whole cities and districts there are no other inhabitants. For their subsistence the [Shah] grants them lands, for which they pay, in common with the Mahometan [Muslim] subjects, an inconsiderable tax [tribut]. These people, who form the chief of the inhabitants of these provinces, preserve their religion, which, however, is rather unrefined [fort grossier] Christianity, owing to their having no priests or ministers to instruct them, or at least so small a number as to be insufficient for the tuition of such a multitude of people variously dispersed; and even such as these [priests] are so ignorant themselves, as to be of little utility. Many noblemen, however, impatient of hardships, and most of the soldiers, with several among the people, moved by ambition and avarice, in order to participate the bounty of the [Shah] largely dealt out to those who change their religion, and some induced by necessity, have turned Mahometans, and still continue to do so. By means of these the army of Abbas has been frequently augmented; he employing these slaves [esclaves], as they are called, as a counterpoise against and to restrain the insolence of the Qizilbash. The number of these [Georgian] renegades in his service, exclusive of Armenians and Circassians, reaches 30,000. Some of them hold commands in the army, have governing positions, and have risen to various dignities, even to those of sultans and khans.

Distinct from these Georgians, who are free in Persia, there is moreover an infinite number not only of the common people, but of the nobility who in the disorder consequent on the invasion of the Persians into their country, were made slaves by the Persians. So many are there of this description, that there is not a house of any consequence in Persia that is not full of men and women of this country. Not a satrap but has his wives entirely of the Georgian nation, the women of that country being famous for beauty, and even the [Shah] has scarcely any other for his attendants, his palaces swarming with them, as well females as men. All of these nearly have abjured their religion, either in fact or in semblance, under the impression common among them that God knowing the secrets of the heart, it is enough they should remain faithful internally to their religion, and that it matters not what profession they outwardly make.

This unfortunate measure of transporting the inhabitants of Georgia was attended by the most dreadful disorders and excesses. Murders, people dying of starvation, robberies, rapes, children stifled in despair by their own parents, or thrown by them into rivers, Others massacred by the Persians for want of good complexions, others again torn from their mothers' breasts, and thrown into the streets and highways, to become the prey of wild beasts, or be trodden to death by the horses and camels belonging to the army, which for a whole day together trampled upon carcasses: such is the picture of this shocking expedient; and afterwards, how agonizing the separation of parents from their children, husbands from their wives, brothers from their sisters, divided from each other, and forwarded to different provinces! So numerous were these wretched ruined people on this occasion that they were publicly sold at a cheaper rate even than cattle [bêtes]. But let us draw a veil over this frightful scene, and proceed to speak of Teimuraz….

Pietro della Valle, "An Account of Georgia," (1627) - Part 1

Pietro della Valle (1586–1652) was an Italian Renaissance traveler who left detailed accounts of Georgia and the Georgian communities in Persia. He was born into a distinguished noble family in Rome and received a thorough education in the arts and sciences. In 1611, he participated in the Spanish expedition against the pirates on the Barbary coast and later visited the Holy Land in 1614–1616. On his return journey, he decided to continue his travels and joined a caravan traveling to Persia, where he offered his services against the Ottomans to Shah Abbas. He spent the next five years in Persia before returning with his Georgian wife to Italy. Della Vale wrote a series of letters to a friend in Naples, which remains one of the best sources on 17th-century Persia. Besides his descriptions of Persian society and culture, he also left detailed observations on the Georgians living in Persia and seemed to have been impressed by their personal qualities, courage, and civilized courtesy. His notes contain information on the plight of the Georgian royal family in Persia and on the composition and arms of the Georgian forces in battle.

In 1627 Pietro della Valle presented the following account of Georgia to His Holiness Pope Urban VIII. I used the 18th century English translation and French edition of Voyages de Pietro Della Valle, gentilhomme romain dans la Turquie, l'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales, et autres lieux (Paris, 1745), VIII, 375ff.

The country, which is at present called Georgia, comprises all that known to the ancients under the names of Colchis and Iberia, with part of Armenia, and possibly of Albania. This tract, according to Strabo, includes the country of the Muscovites, for it extends in length from the most eastern extremity of the Pont-Euxin [Black Sea], where it begins, to the Caspian Sea; it has towards the east only a small maritime district of Albania, belonging at this time to the King of Persia; in which are situated the cities of Backu and Derbent, called by the Turks, Demircapi, which means the Iron Gates, and descending a little towards the south, a small portion of Scirvan [Shirvan], the capital of which is Schamachi [Şamaxı / Shemakhi], apparently a part of the ancient Media Atropatenis. A little towards the west Georgia is bounded by the Black sea. North of it are the Caspian mountains, branching from mount Caucasus and stretching from one sea to the other, inhabited at this time by certain barbarians and thieves, called Lezghi or Legzi, mostly Mahometans [Muslims], and some very possibly still idolaters or atheists. It is not improbable they may be the Soani or Phthirophages mentioned by Strabo. Finally, towards the south it has for boundary that part of Armenia bordering on Media, and lower down on the most western side, towards Trebisond, if I not mistaken, some part of Cappadocia.

The whole of this country, throughout which the same language is common to all the inhabitants, whom we call Georgians and who call themselves Carduel [Kartvel] was governed formerly, according to their account, by one king until he divided his dominions among his four children, all of whom he made sovereign princes. With the eldest, however, to whom he gave the middle and better portion of the division, he left a certain preeminence above the others, whence this prince is even, now respected by all the rest, is considered as the elder branch, and is honoured by the title of Mepet Mepe, which means King of Kings, the other princes taking the style of Princes of Georgia only.

The number of Princes at this time is six; for in addition to the four of royal blood  mentioned before, there are two others, who were chief ministers of the Mepet Mepe, and governors of two considerable portions of his dominions on the Black Sea, who revolting, seized upon and made themselves absolute lords of the provinces they governed. Acquiring in process of time, authority and reputation, they not only rose to an equality, but formed an alliance with the others. At present they are all upon an equal footing, and frequently intermarry; remembrance is however yet kept up of the distinction of the Mepet Mepe, for when he mounts his horse, the two princes formerly his vassals and ministers, when by, are wont to hold the one the bridle the other the stirrup as an acknowlegement of his sovereignty. As to the division of the country since its partition into six distinct Sovereignties, the Mepet Mepe is lord of a dominion in the centre of Georgia, called in the language of the country Imeriti [Imereti], the innermost, the strongest part of the whole, and undoubtedly the Iberia of the ancients. The name of the reigning Prince of this part is Ghiorghi or George [during della Valle's visit Imereti was ruled by King George III, r. 1605-1639); on addressing him, for shortness sake, he is not called Mepet Mepe, the only name he signs, but Ghiorgi Mepe or King George. The Turks, however, for reasons that I am ignorant off, call both the country and the ruling prince as Basciacive [Bashi-achuk] which means bareheaded.

Eastward of this state is another province called Kacheti [Kakheti], which, if I not mistaken, forms a part of the ancient Iberia, and probably of Albania. This is the dominion of a Prince descended from the youngest of the four brothers of the blood royal; his residence is the city of Zagain [Dzegami]. These princes, however, as well as the gentry of the country (for, unlike the usual custom of the east, the Georgians are distinguished by an hereditary nobility, and intermarry only according to rank as in Europe), these princes, I say, as well as the gentry called asnaures [aznauri] reside chiefly in and prefer the country, looking upon towns as suitable only to people following trades and commerce, which they consider beneath them; and so powerfully does this sentiment prevail among the Georgians, such even as are not aznaures, provided they be able to subsist otherwise, disdain to live in towns, and despise all handicrafts and trade, leaving the exercise of these to foreigners, such as Armenians and Jews, the number of whom in the country is very considerable, and others of similar activity.

As for [Georgians] their chief occupation is war [guerre], the ecclesiastical profession, which, however, few among them follow, as well as their own land [terres] in which many are employed and which are extremely productive not only of fruits of all descriptions, but also of silk which they collect in quantities. Most of the inhabitants possess some portion of land, and so many being employed in the field was the cause why they were termed "Georgians" by the ancient Greeks, meaning farmers [labourers]. This is why the towns in this country are few in number and inconsiderable, but the countryside is well populated in every part and dotted with good houses, although principally of wood. They have, moreover, many churches, well constructed in themselves, but commonly in state of indifferent repair.

The Prince who formerly reigned over this province of Kacheti is still alive, but has been deprived of his dominions, as I shall hereafter relate. He is called Teimuraz. Abbas, the present King of Persia, was friendly towards this prince, and on his wife dying sent his condolences to him through father John Thaddeus de St. Elizee, a barefooted Carmelite, who is at present in Persia but was at that time chief of the mission. Prince Teimuraz, who is of the Catholic faith [un religieux de notre communion] as well as in appreciation of this [Catholic priest] being sent by King Abbas, showed him great amity and was extremely kind to him, causing him to celebrate mass in his principal church in presence of the metropolitan, and intending himself to have been there on the occasion, though he was prevented by some reason. He also offered [John Thaddeus]  territory for the establishment of a convent of his order, and  building there a church. In short, the Prince himself as well as the metropolitan, whose name was Allah Verdi, a prudent man and well disposed to the Holy See, exhibited an extreme attachment and respect towards the Roman Church.

Of the two Princes descended from the two other brothers of the blood royal, the one is Sovereign of a dominion south of Kacheti and Imireti. The name of the country is Cardel or Carduel [Kartli]. It forms part of the greater Armenia, and the name of its capital is Teflis. It formerly was subject, (and, even in the memory of our fathers) to Prince Simon, who died afterwards in prison at Constantinople, famous in history for the wars he waged against the Turks. This Prince, from the letters written by him to Pope Paul III, of blessed memory, if those letters were truly of his writing, as I believe them to have been, was evidently well disposed towards the Holy See. One of these letters, together with the note previously addressed by that Sovereign Pontiff to the Prince, is included in a book published by Thomas de Jesus, a barefooted Carmelite, and entitled "De procuranda salute omnium Gentium." Lately, this state was governed by Luarsab, a young Prince of great promise, the grandson of the said Simon, but a few years ago while I was in Persia, he came to a wretched end, being put to death in prison where he had been confined for several years, without leaving any offspring, not having consummated with the bride to which he had been betrothed. His principality came afterwards under the dominion of another Prince of his house, his nephew, or cousin, but a Mahometan [Muslim], and not as an absolute Sovereign, but in vassalage under the King of Persia, as I shall describe.

The other Prince descended from the blood royal, held dominion over a country westward, comprising of a part of Carduel [Kartli]: it bordered upon Armenia, Cappadocia, and the frontiers of Media. At present, this state no longer exists, as will be explained.

The two last Princes descended from the ministers of whom I have spoken, and not from the ancient Kings, possess dominions situated on the Pont Euxine or Black sea. The one towards the north is master of the country which lays between the Caspian mountains and those of Dadian; this region was populated by vagabonds [peuples ambulans et vagabonds], who followed the way of life resembling that of the Arabs, living inside tents, without fixed homes [logeant sous des tentes, sans maisons fixes], but of late years this custom has been changed and the country is one of the finest and best cultivated in all of Georgia. This province, the ancient Colchis, is called  Mingrelia by the Turks. The Prince who reigns over it at present is young, his name, to the best of my recollection, is Levan [Levan II the Great, r. 1611-1657]. In 1615, a Jesuit from the establishment at Constantinople, who visited the Christians of this country to inform himself of their disposition, returned while I was still at Constantinople. I was with him, without any other company, for three or four days after he was taken ill on his return of a contagious disorder which reigned in that city. The good father related to me that he had seen this young Prince, at that time, but twelve years of age old; that the mother, who lived in a coarse, rustic manner, governed during his minority; that he had seen the Prince visit the church one day to offer up the head of a wild boar which he had killed; that the Prince had loaded him with kindness and showed great attachment to him, but that for want of knowing the language of the country, and of any who could interpret for them, they were at a loss to understand each other and incapable of treating on any matters. Nothing beyond that has transpired of the journey of this Jesuit, either owing to his dying of the plague, or his papers being lost in a tempest at sea....

South of Mingrelia on the Black sea, and bordering on Cappadocia and Trebisond, reigns the remaining Prince not descended from the ancient Kings. This state called Guriel [Guria] and is in my esteem either a part of Cappadocia or Colchis. The Prince's name I think, is Jese. Of his family, I believe, is the Metropolitan [Malakia II, who also ruled Guria in 1625-1639] now at the head of the whole of the Georgian church not subject to the King of Persia. Over that part dependent on the latter which lays more towards the east, there is another primate nominated by that Sovereign. The last succeed to that Allah Verdi, whom I before have mentioned; and was living while I was in Persia. A different one called likewise Allah Verdi, (if that name be not rather an appendage to the person holding the primacy [Catholicos Evdemoz I led Eastern Georgian Church in 1630-1638]), had a sister, at present in existence in Persia, where she was transported together with numbers of her nation on occasion of that famous transmigration of the Georgians, on which I shall touch as I proceed. This lady married the son of a sister of the old Allah - Verdi deceased. She has two sisters, one of which was gossip with me, I having stood as sponsor for three of her sons brought there on the migration from Georgia. They are at present living in Isfahan, where they have resided a number of years in a rather wretched state, as I was witness to it, suffering every privation rather than apostatize, the King refusing them any allowance, but upon condition of their changing their religion. They supported their misery with great patience, notwithstanding they had been educated in Georgia in profusion and grandeur, and after having disposed of all they had brought from their own country, they were supported by their labour, and occasionally by alms from the monks at Hispahan [Isfahan]. These good fathers continually protected them as well as the other Europeans resident there, each as long as we remained in that city relieving them to the extent of his ability.

Georgia has existed almost constantly from early time in the manner I have here described. As to present time, it has ever maintained itself independent, which is certainly a prodigy, considering its location between the two great empires of Persia and Turkey, and the determination they have constantly shown against them, rather on account of the religion of its inhabitants, than for any other cause; that they should so have upheld themselves, divided by party differences as their Princes frequently have been, almost without knowledge of artillery, with few or no fire-arms, with so small a number of subjects compared with their opponents, and what is above all, without the means of receiving succor from any other power, owing to their insulated position. These collective circumstances evince in their governors a great portion of courage; while, in spite of all attempts at oppressing them, with their sovereignty they have even to the present day upheld themselves, as have their subjects also, true votaries of the Christian faith. On this account it appears to me not only that they deserve great praise, but that the church itself is highly indebted to them for the bravery and prowess they have exhibited in the wars they have waged at one time with the Persians, at another with the Turks, frequently defeating their armies; and especially for the constancy with which they have defended and preserved the pure religion of Jesus.

Richard Simon, The Critical History of the Religious and Customs of the Eastern Nations (1685)

Richard Simon (1638-1712) was a French priest and Oratorian, who was an influential biblical critic and orientalist. Born in Dieppe, he received education at the Oratorian College and studied oriental languages and theology in Paris. In 1670, he was ordained as a priest. Influenced by Benedict Spinoza, he devoted his life to textual criticism of the Scriptures, publishing several major books. He had also written a study on the Eastern Churches which was translated into English and published under the title "The Critical History of the Religious and Customs of the Eastern Nations" in London in 1685. In this book, Simon devoted Chapters V and VI to "the Belief and Customs of the Georgians or Iberians, and of those of Colchis of Mangrelia"

In the History which Galanus has caused to be printed at Rome [in 1650], concerning the reconciliation of the Armenian Church with Roman, there are some curious Pieces relating to the Present state of the Iberians, and other neighbouring People. 

Pope Urban VIII sent Emissaries to these People, of which Father Avitabolis, a Regular Priest, was the chief; And this Monk wrote from that Countrey a Letter to the Pope, wherein he marks the Errours of the Iberians exactly enough, which are the same that are attributed to the Greeks; to wit, they acknowledge, indeed, a Purgatory, but not in the manner the Latins do, because they only believe that the Souls are in a place of Obscurity and Sadness, without being tormented by Fire: they deny the Judgment of Souls, being  [convinced] that when one dies, his Soul is by his Guardian Angel carried into the Presence of Christ; and if it be the Soul of a just Man that is without Sin, it is immediately sent into a Place of Light and joy; if it be the Soul of a wicked Man, it is put into an obscure Place; if that Person dye in the Act of Repentance, it is sent for a time into the Place of Horrour and Obscurity, whence it is afterwards conveyed into the Place of Joy; and all expect the day of Genera! Judgment, because they absolutely deny that the Souls see God before that time. 

The Iberians, according to the same Authour, believe that Infidels are only judged in a particular Judgment, and not at the General judgment. They ground themselves upon these words of the Gospel,  “He that believeth not is condemned already” [John 3:18]. Nor do they believe that the Pains of the Damned are Eternal; but they say, that if a Christian dye stems in Mortal Sin, without Repentance, he may be relieved out of Hell before the Universal judgment, by praying to God for him. However, I think that that Belief which comes near to that of Origen, and which seems to have been followed by some new Greeks, is not the real Belief of the Iberians, who exactly conform to the Faith of the Greek Church; but that which [has] given occasion of imputing it to them, is because they own but one Place after Death where they put the Souls of the Damned, and those who are thought to be in Purgatory. Now seeing they pray indifferently for all the Souls which are shut up in that Place which they call Hell, that God would deliver them from the Pains of Hell and that he would remove them from that obscure Prison to the Place of Light and Joy which is Paradise; it [has] easily been inferred from thence, that they believed not Hell to be Everlasting, which is to be understood with Limitation, and in regard of some Souls only who endure their Purgatory in that Place.

The Iberians agree also with the Greeks as to their Opinion of Confession, and speak of it after the same manner. They work on the most solemn Holidays, even on Christmas day: but that is not contrary to the Practice of the first Ages. This is their way of baptizing: In the first Place the Priest reads a great many Prayers over the Child; and when he comes to the words wherein we make the Form of Baptism to consist, he does not stop, but reads on, without Baptizing the Child at that time: then so soon as he [has] done reading, the Child is [stripped], and is at length baptized by the Godfather, and not by the Priest; which is done without pronouncing other words, than those that were pronounced some time before. They are not very pressing to receive Baptism; and they rebaptize those who return again to the Faith after Apostasy. The Priest alone, amongst them, is the true Minister of Baptism. So that for want of a Priest the Child must die without Baptism; and some of their Doctors are of opinion, that in that case the Baptism of the Mother is sufficient to save the Child. With Baptism they administer to Children Confirmation and the Eucharist. They confess for the first time, when they marry; which they do also when they are at the Point of Death but their Confession is made in three or four words.

If a Priest fall into any uncleanness which he confesses, the Confessor deprives him of the Power of celebrating Mass. And therefore the Priests have a care not to confess those Kinds of Sins. They give the Communion to Children when they are a dying, and those that are come to Age receive it but seldom. The Prince forces the Churchmen, and even the Bishops to go to the Wars; and when they return home again, they celebrate Mass without any Dispensation for their irregularity. They are of the Opinion that no more than one Mass should be said in one Day upon one Altar and in one Church. 

They consecrate in Chalices of Wood, and they carry the Sacrament to the Sick with great irreverence, without light or attendance. On some Holidays the Priests together assist at the Mass of the Bishop, who gives them the Sacrament in their hands, and they themselves carry it to their Mouths. 

The Churchmen do not daily fay their Breviary; but one or two only say it, and the rest listen. He that recites the Office is commonly a Priest, and they who are present for most part do not hear. Most of the Iberians hardly know the Principles of Religion. If they have no Children by their Wives they divorce from them with the Permission of the Priests, and marry others; which they do also in case of Adultery and Quarreling. They allege that there are no more Miracles wrought in the Church of Rome, and that the Pope can give no Dispensations but in matters of positive Right nor in these neither if they be of great consequence.

Father Avitabolis in the same Letter to Pope Urban VIII describes the Politick State of the Iberians; and amongst other things observes the great Authority of the Princes and Nobles: for the Princes without any regard to that which is called Ecclesiastical Liberty or Immunity, use Priests as Servants. They slight the Bishops and punish them. They obey not the Patriarch, who takes the Title of Catholick or Universal; and yet it is not he who is the chief in Spiritual Affairs but the Prince who is Supreme both in Spirituals and Temporals. The Nobles do the same within their own Lands in regard of the Bishops and Priests. The Prince has his Voice with the Bishops in the Election of the Patriarch, and all chose him whom he desires. The Will of the Prince and of the several Lords within their Territories stands for Law, and they have no Judges for examining the Justice of Causes; neither have they any particular Statutes to walk by, not so much as admitting Witnesses. The Princes dispose at their Pleasure of the Estates of their Subjects, as well as of their Persons. In fine, the Patriarch of Constantinople sends Caloyers often into that Country to entertain them in their Enmity against the Pope.

That Letter was written in the Year 1631 by Father Avitabolis to Pope Urban VIII from Goris [Gori] in Georgia or Iberia; and in the same Book of Galanus are inserted the Letters of the Prince of the Georgians to Pope Urban VIII which are kept amongst the Records of the Congregation depropaganda fide. That Prince amongst other things affirms that the Faith [has] been preserved pure in his Dominions since Constantine the Great to his time, and he allows a Chapel to the Missionaries of Rome, that they . may pray to God for him.

This Letter is dated in the Year 1629. Pope Urban wrote back to that Prince, and sent a Letter also to the Metropolitan named Zachary. 

[…]

Galanus [joins] to the Iberians those of Colchis or Mengrelia, saying, that as they are Neighbors, so they have the same Belief, only with this difference, that the Mengrelians, living on the Mountains, and in the Woods, are a wickeder sort of People than the Georgians; that they are so ignorant in Religion that they know not so much as the words necessary for Baptism, which they administer after the manner of the Georgians, and to render it the more solemn, they sometimes Baptize with Wine without Water; but we have said enough of the Georgians. The exposition that [has] been made of their Faith, confirms the Belief of the Greeks: And it would not be difficult to prove it to be very Ancient, and that the manner also of their administering Baptism, Marriage and other Sacraments is lawful though it differ from the Practice of the Church of Rome. What we at present call Matter and Form of Sacraments amongst us, ought not to be a Rule to other Christian Nations who are ignorant of these Names. It is certain the Orientals acknowledge no other Form of these Sacraments, but the Prayers which they make in administering them. I shall say nothing in this Place of the Religion of the Muscovites because in all things they follow the Belief of the Greeks…

Supplement concerning the Belief and Customs of the Georgians and Mengrelians 

I have lately read a manuscript relation attributed to Father Zampi, a Theatin wherein are described at large the ignorance and Errors of these people, and especially of the Mengrelians, most of whose priests, if we will credit that Author, cannot be certain that they have really received Priesthood because it many times happens that they who ordain them have not been baptized. 

The Bishops who are commonly more ignorant than the Priests, never examine their Capacity, but only if they have Money to pay for their Ordination; which amounts to the Price of a Horse. These Priests may not only marry, according to the Custom of the Greek Church, before they are ordained, but they may also marry a second time, by procuring a Dispensation from their Bishop which costs a Pistol. Neither does the Patriarch ordain a Bishop, without he pay him the Sum of 500 Crowns. When any Man falls sick he presently sends for a Priest to assist him rather as a Physician, than as a Ghostly Father, who never speaks to his Patient of Confession; but by turning over the Leaves of a Book very attentively, he seems to search for the true Cause of the Distemper [disease], which he imputes to the Anger of some of their Images [Icons]; for these People have a Belief that their Images are sometimes angry with them. And therefore the Priest orders the Patient to make an Offering to appease the Wrath of the Image, that Offering consists in Cattle or Money, and all the Profit comes to the Priest alone.

It is farther observed in that Relation, that so soon as a Child is born into the World, the Priest does no more but anoint it with Oil, making the sign of the Cross on its Forehead, and that Baptism is deferred until the Child be about two years old. Then they baptize it [child] dipping it in hot-water, and anointing it all over; at length they give it Bread that hath been blessed to eat, and Wine to drink: which appears to be the Ancient way of Baptism, when they administered at the same time Baptism, Confirmation and the Eucharist. These People believe that Baptism, consists chiefly in the anointing with the Oil that has been consecrated by the Patriarch which does not disagree with the Doctrine of Orientals, who call that Unction the Perfection of Baptism.

Father Zampi who was no less full with the prejudices of the Theology of the Latins, than the other Emissaries we mentioned before, put many questions to them relating to that Theology. Amongst other things he asked them, whether when they administered any Sacrament, they had a real intention to administer it? And thereupon he doubts, whether they truly consecrate the Bread and wine because they know not what that means. He asked them besides, wherein they made the Form of Consecration to consist? And having put that Question to many of them, there was but one who gave him any satisfaction, and who in effect rehearsed the words of Consecration. But it is easy to judge that the Mengrelian who thereupon satisfied Father Zampi, speaks rather in the Sense of the Father, than according to the Sentiment of those of his Nation. What is strangest of all, and which some will hardly believe, a Mengrelian Priest being by the same Father asked the Question whether after the Consecration of the Bread and the Wine, the same Bread and Wine were really changed into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, the Mengrelian smiling made answer that one could not conceive how Jesus Christ could leave Heaven to come down upon Earth, and that he could not be lodged in so small a Morsel of Bread. But this does not at all agree with the Testimony, that Father Zampi gives in another Place of the Belief of that People concerning the Eucharist. And seeing such kind of Questions are impertinently made by the Emissaries to the People of the East, who are not at all acquainted with our Disputes about that Sacrament, we are not to wonder at their Answers, if they suit not always with out Principles. The Mengrelian Papas on that occasion consisted only his senses, and made an answer much like to that which the Capenaites made to our Lord, “How can this Man give us his Flesh?” Father Zampi added another Question as impertinent as the rest. He asked the same Papas, whether in Case the Priest should forget the words of Consecration, would the Mass be good? To which he answered, why not? The Priest, indeed, would sin but the Mass would still be good. It is strange an Emissary should put such Questions to People whom he knows to be in profound ignorance, and who are so far from understanding the Questions that have for some Ages only been handled in the Schools, that they have but a slight Tincture of the Principles of Christian Religion.

But that which scandalized Father Zampi the most, was the little respect that the Papas of Mingrelia have for the Sacrament of the Eucharist, which they keep not, as the Latins do in precious Vessels, but in a little bag of Leather or Cloth, which they always tie to their Girdle, carrying it about with them wheresoever they go, to be made use of upon occasions, when they are to give the Viaticum to the sick. Nor do they make any Difficulty to give it to be carried by others, whether it be Man or Woman: and seeing the Consecrated Bread is hard, they break it into little Pieces to be moistened, without much regard to the small Crumbs of that Consecrated Bread that fall upon the ground, or that stick to their Hands. I confess these People pay not Veneration enough to that August Sacrament: but, on the other hand, it is not reasonable to exact from them all the External Worship that is rendered to it in the Western Church, seeing they have not the same reasons to doe it, having no Berengarians [an 11-th century religious sect that opposed the doctrine of transubstantiation] amongst them that might oblige them to give those Exterior Marks of their Belief. We can expect no more from them, than what was practiced in the first Ages of the Church: And it is not peculiar to the Mingrelians alone to keep in a leather Bag the Sacrament which is to serve for a Viaticum; the same is also observed in some Greek Churches, who in that manner keep it fastened to the Wall in their Churches.

Friedrich Parrot, Journey to Ararat (1829) - Part 2

Johann Jacob Friedrich Wilhelm Parrot (1791 - 1841) was a German naturalist and traveller, who spent much of his life in the service of the Russian Empire. Born in Karlsruhe, Parrot studied medicine and natural science at the University of Dorpat and took part in several scholarly expeditions to the Crimea and the Caucasus in the 1810s. In 1816-1817 he traveled to Italy and Spain and upon return to Russia, became professor of physiology and pathology (and later professor of physics) at the University of Dorpat. In 1828-1829 Parrot traveled to south Caucasia, spending considerable time exploring Eastern Georgia and Armenia. During this expedition, he conducted scientific observations in Tiflis and led a scientific expedition to the summit of Mount Ararat. He later published his account of the expedition entitled "Journey to Ararat."  

There is an active export of wine; for the Kakheti wine is duly—unfortunately, sometimes unduly—prized throughout all Georgia as the very best, though it cannot admit of any doubt that the art of making wine is still but very imperfectly understood in this province, the esteemed produce of which is totally destitute of the true aromatic flavour of wine, and will not keep more than five or six years. Stories of ten-year-old wine are looked upon as suspicious by the initiated. However this may be, there is certainly enough of it drunk beyond Caucasus to afford a knowledge of its properties. Their mode of keeping it, not only here, but in every other district of Georgia, seemed to me to be both instructive and interesting. They have no casks, but keep it in earthen jars and leathern bottles. These latter are made of the skins of goats, oxen, and buffaloes, turned inside out, clipped with the scissors, washed, and rubbed over with warm mineral tar, or, as it is also called, naphtha. The openings are closed with a sort of wooden bung, except at the feet, where they are only tied up with a cord. The wine is drawn at one foot merely by opening or closing the noose. It is a very strange and whimsical sight for the new-comer to see oxen and buffaloes full of wine lying in the wine-booth, or about the streets, with their legs stretched out. These skins, however, are very convenient for home use or for carriage; for they may be found of all sizes, some very small—the skins of young kids—holding only a few bottles; at the same time, these latter come very rarely into requisition.

The Georgian who has a mind to enjoy himself, with his family and two or three friends, in a little country party, is not likely to content himself with so slender a provision. The usual wine measure in retail trade is what is called the tunge, which contains just five of our ordinary bottles; half a tunge, however, is sometimes sold; but it is by no means thought, in Georgia, a proof of extraordinary intemperance for a man to drink two tunges of wine in the course of the day. It might be supposed that the naphtha on the hairy side of the skin would impart a strange and disagreeable flavour to the wine, and spoil the vessels. This flavour, however, is partly lost after the skin has been some time in use, which then becomes more valuable than when new; and besides, there are many connoisseurs of Kakheti wine, who maintain that it is this very flavour which renders it not only innoxious, but wholesome.

The other mode of keeping wine in large jars is generally adopted in the country parts, and more especially for the better kinds. Let the reader figure to himself an egg-shaped vessel, narrow below, with an opening above, of a foot and a half in diameter, and thin sides, smoothly and regularly made of clay, and he will have a tolerable idea of what, when it is of larger size, is termed, in Georgia, a kvevri, and when of smaller, a kh'ila; they are both of this shape.

Such a jar as this is firmly sunk in the ground to the brim, and when filled with wine, its mouth is covered with a round piece of slate, and heaped over with earth, which serves the twofold purpose of preserving the wine, and concealing the place where it is buried. This covering must be removed and replaced every time wine is drawn; so that, to avoid this trouble, when the jar is about half empty, the remainder of the wine is poured into a smaller one. These vessels are very lasting, suffer no leakage, although they are not glazed, and do not become soaked, but may be kept in use for twenty or thirty years, as I was assured, if not broken through carelessness. They are made of very large size generally, six or seven feet high, and four feet wide, with sides of half an inch thick or less. Such a one sells for ten to fifteen silver rubles, and, in good wine years, for more. One of the largest that I have ever seen, perhaps the largest kvevri in all Kakheti, was at Yenisseli, in the prince's house, where I measured it - it was 61/3 feet wide and 81/2 high - o high that a servant was obliged to use a ladder to get into it - and held five araba, each araba being 88 chapp, and each chapp 41 tunges, so that its entire contents were about 7000 stoof of Rig [One stoof contained 1.3 litre].

The process of forming these vessels out of clay so thin that it is incomprehensible how they are prevented from falling to pieces in the hand, and withal so shapely and so serviceable, would certainly be a very interesting sight for any one who had an opportunity of visiting their potteries, and displays a skill which might astonish many a practiced artist in Europe. The principal requisite is well-prepared clay, which must be perfectly cleared from gritty particles, spread out upon a smooth surface, and slashed with a sort of wooden sword till reduced to an extraordinary degree of purity and uniform consistence. The potter first forms the lower end upon a solid low stool, simply with the hand, without any wheel, and proceeds in this manner as long as the temper of the clay will allow the jar to hang together; he then spreads soft moist leaves over the edge, leaving his work for a while to a gentle evaporation of its superfluous moisture, and passes to another article, of which there are mostly six, eight, or ten in hand at once. When the first jar has acquired a little firmness, he removes the leaves, makes depressions with his fingers all round the edge, and forms a new border on it, about four fingers high, with a long roll of, clay that he holds upon his arm, taking the precaution, now, to proceed in a direction opposite to the one he took in making the indentations before, so that the fresh clay may be more firmly imbedded into the depressions; he goes two or three times round in this manner till the new border is about a span high, when its softness might expose it to the danger of giving way.

Besides the hands, there is nothing used but a small board for rubbing and smoothing the internal and external surface. The nipping of the edge is only necessary after the several pauses in the making, not when there are a number of bands of fresh clay added at once. If the jar should become too high, the workman uses a bench to stand on, and as the lower end of the vessel is very narrow, he props it as soon as it is dry enough with pieces of wood and stones; for, except the shed in which the work is carried on, no farther apparatus or arrangements are thought of. The baking of the jars, after they are dried, is conducted in the usual way; they are laid in pairs in a large kiln of masonry constructed in the earth, where they are managed with great adroitness.

While the native is found to prefer the skins and earthen vessels, such as his forefathers used for centuries, the German colonist in Georgia manufactures handsome casks, of good materials and every size, after the German fashion, in which his wine keeps better and sweeter, at least as far as the skins are concerned.

When the rich drink in their own houses, they are served in goblets and glasses, which are filled from wine-jars of the ordinary form; but when from home, they suit themselves to their ancestral habits, and use drinking vessels of many, and in some, instances quite peculiar shapes, made of clay, wood, or silver...